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Just after midnight of June 6, 1968, Senator Robert Kennedy was assassinated in a backroom of the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles. He had just been celebrating his victory at the California primaries, which made him the most likely Democratic nominee for the presidential election. His popularity was so great that Richard Nixon, on the Republican side, stood little chance. At the age of 43, Robert would have become the youngest American president ever, after being the youngest Attorney General in his brother’s government. His death opened the way for Nixon, who could finally become president eight years after having been defeated by John F. Kennedy in 1960.

1968年6月6日午夜刚过,参议员罗伯特 · 肯尼迪在洛杉矶大使宾馆的密室被暗杀,他刚刚庆祝自己在加利福尼亚州初选中的胜利,这使他成为最有可能的民主党总统候选人,他的声望如此之高,以至于共和党方面的理查德 · 尼克松几乎没有机会。
在他43岁的时候,罗伯特 · 肯尼迪成为了他哥哥政府中最年轻的司法部长,他也将成为美国历史上最年轻的总统,他的去世为尼克松开辟了道路,尼克松在1960年被约翰 · F · 肯尼迪击败,8年后终于成为美国总统。

John had been assassinated four and a half years before Robert. Had he survived, he would certainly have been president until 1968. Instead, his vice-president Lyndon Johnson took over the White House in 1963, and became so unpopular that he retired in 1968. Interestingly, Johnson became president the very day of John’s death, and ended his term a few months after Robert’s death. He was in power at the time of both investigations.

约翰 · 肯尼迪在罗伯特 · 肯尼迪之前四年半就被暗杀了,如果他幸存下来,他肯定会一直担任总统直到1968年,他的副总统林登约翰逊于1963年接掌白宫,由于非常不受欢迎,他于1968年退休。
值得注意的是,约翰逊在约翰 · 肯尼迪被暗杀的当天就成为了总统,并在罗伯特 · 肯尼迪被暗杀几个月后结束了他的任期,两次调查期间,他都在掌权。
人们普遍认为这两项调查都是在掩盖真相,官方的结论都充满了矛盾。

And both investigations are widely regarded as cover-ups. In both cases, the official conclusion is rife with contradictions. We are going to sum them up here. But we will do more: we will show that the key to solving both cases resides in the lix between them. And we will solve them beyond a reasonable doubt.

我们在这里总结一下,但是我们将做更多的努力:
我们将展示解决两人都被暗杀的关键在于它们之间的联系,我们将在排除合理怀疑的情况下解决这些问题。

As Lance deHaven-Smith has remarked in Conspiracy Theory in America:
“It is seldom considered that the Kennedy assassinations might have been serial murders. In fact, in speaking about the murders, Americans rarely use the plural, ‘Kennedy assassinations’. […] Clearly, this quirk in the Kennedy assassination(s) lexicon reflects an unconscious effort by journalists, politicians, and millions of ordinary Americans to avoid thinking about the two assassinations together, despite the fact that the victims are connected in countless ways.”[1]

正如兰斯德哈文史密斯在《美国的阴谋论》( Conspiracy Theory in America) 一书中所言:
“很少有人认为肯尼迪刺杀案可能是连环谋杀案,事实上,在谈到谋杀案时,美国人很少用“ 肯尼迪s暗杀案”这个复数,很明显,肯尼迪遇刺事件在词典中的这一奇怪现象反映了记者、政治家和数百万普通美国人的一种无意识,他们试图避免将这两起暗杀事件联系在一起,尽管受害者之间有着千丝万缕的联系。” [1]

John and Robert were bound by an unshakable loyalty. Kennedy biographers have stressed the absolute dedication of Robert to his elder brother. Robert had successfully managed John’s campaign for the Senate in 1952, then his presidential campaign in 1960. John made him not only his Attorney General, but also his most trusted adviser, even on matters of Foreign or Military affairs. What John appreciated most in Robert was his sense of justice and the rectitude of his moral judgment. It is Robert, for example, who encouraged John to fully endorse the cause of the Blacks’ civil rights movement[2].

约翰和罗伯特受到不可动摇的忠诚的约束,肯尼迪的传记作家强调了罗伯特对他哥哥的绝对奉献精神。
罗伯特在1952年成功地管理了约翰的参议员竞选活动,1960年又成功地管理了他的总统竞选活动。
约翰不仅任命他为司法部长,而且任命他为最值得信赖的顾问,甚至在外交或军事事务方面也是如此。
约翰最欣赏罗伯特的是他的正义感和正直的道德判断,例如,罗伯特鼓励约翰完全支持民权运动的事业[2]。

Given this exceptional bond between the Kennedy brothers, what is the probability that the two Kennedy assassinations were unrelated? Rather, we should start with the assumption that they are related. Basic common sense suggests that the Kennedy brothers have been killed by the same force, and for the same motives. It is, at least, a logical working hypothesis that Robert was eliminated from the presidential race because he had to be prevented from reaching a position where he could reopen the case of his brother’s death. Both his loyalty to his brother’s memory, and his obsession with justice, made it predictable that, if he reached the White House, he would do just that. But was there, in 1968, any clear indication that he would?

鉴于肯尼迪兄弟之间的这种特殊关系,两起肯尼迪暗杀案毫无关联的可能性有多大? 相反,我们应该先假设它们是相关的。
基本的常识表明,肯尼迪兄弟是因为同样的原因被同样的力量杀害的。
罗伯特被排除在总统竞选之外,至少是一个合乎逻辑的可行假设,因为他必须被阻止达到一个可以重启调查他兄弟死亡案件的位置,他对哥哥的忠诚,以及对正义的执着,让人们可以预见,如果他入主白宫,他会这么做。
但是,在1968年,有没有任何明确的迹象表明他会这么做?

Did Bobby plan to reopen the investigation on his brother’s assassination?
The question has been positively answered by David Talbot in his book Brothers: The Hidden History of the Kennedy Years, published in 2007 by Simon & Schuster. Robert had never believed in the Warren Report’s conclusion that Lee Harvey Oswald was the sole assassin of his brother. Knowing too well what to expect from Johnson, he had refused to testify before the Warren Commission. When its report came out, he had no choice but to publicly endorse it, but “privately he was dismissive of it,” as his son Robert Kennedy, Jr. remembers[3]. To close friends who wondered why he wouldn’t voice his doubt, he said: “there’s nothing I can do about it. Not now.”[4]

罗伯特是不是打算重新调查他哥哥被暗杀的事?
这个问题在大卫 · 托尔伯特《兄弟: 肯尼迪时代隐藏的历史》一书中给出了肯定的答案,该书由西蒙与舒斯特出版社于2007年出版。
罗伯特从来不相信《沃伦报告》的结论,即 李 · 哈维 · 奥斯瓦尔德是刺杀他哥哥的唯一凶手。
他太了解约翰逊的为人,他拒绝在最高沃伦委员会作证,报告发表后,他别无选择,只能公开表示支持,但正如他的儿子小罗伯特肯尼迪所回忆的那样,“私下里,他对此不屑一顾。”
对于那些想知道他为什么不表达怀疑的密友,他说: “我无能为力,现在时机未到。” [4]

From 22 November 1963, Robert was alienated and monitored by Johnson and Hoover. Although still Attorney General, he knew he was powerless against the forces that had killed his brother. Yet he lost no time beginning his own investigation; he first asked CIA director John McCone, a Kennedy friend, to find out if the Agency had anything to do with the plot, and came out convinced that it hadn’t. In March 1964, he had a face-to-face conversation with mobster Jimmy Hoffa, his sworn enemy, whom he had battled for ten years, and whom he suspected of having taken revenge on his brother. Robert also asked his friend Daniel Moynihan to search for any complicity in the Secret Service, responsible for the President’s security[5]. And of course, Robert suspected Johnson, whom he had always mistrusted, as Jeff Shesol documents in Mutual Contempt: Lyndon Johnson, Robert Kennedy, and the Feud that Defined a Decade (1997).

从1963年11月22日起,罗伯特被约翰逊和胡佛疏远和监视,尽管他仍然是司法部长,但他知道自己无力对抗杀害他哥哥的那些势力。
然而,他还是抓紧时间开始了自己的调查,他首先询问了肯尼迪的朋友、中情局局长约翰 · 麦康尼,看看中情局是否与这起阴谋有关,结果证明并非如此。
1964年3月,他与黑帮分子吉米 · 霍法进行了一次面对面的谈话,吉米 · 霍法是他的死敌,已经与他斗争了10年,他怀疑霍法向他的兄弟报复。
罗伯特还要求他的朋友丹尼尔 · 莫伊尼汉去调查负责总统安全的特勤局是否为同谋。
当然,罗伯特怀疑约翰逊,正如杰夫·谢索(在《 相互轻视:林登·约翰逊、罗伯特·肯尼迪的十年宿怨》(1997) 一书中记载的那样,他一直不信任约翰逊。

In fact, a mere week after JFK’s death, November 29, 1963, Bill Walton, a friend of the Kennedys, travelled to Moscow and passed to Nikita Khrushchev, via a trusted agent who had already carried secret communications between Khrushchev and John Kennedy, a message from Robert and Jacqueline Kennedy; according to the memo found in the Soviet archives in the 90s by Alexandr Fursenko and Timothy Naftali (One Hell of a Gamble, 1998), Robert and Jackie wanted to inform the Soviet Premier that they believed John Kennedy had been “the victim of a right-wing conspiracy,” and that “the cooling that might occur in U.S.-Soviet relations because of Johnson would not last forever.”[6]

事实上,1963年11月29日,在肯尼迪去世仅仅一周后,肯尼迪的朋友比尔·沃尔顿便前往莫斯科,通过一位可靠的特工将赫鲁晓夫和约翰 · 肯尼迪之间的秘密通信转交给了尼基塔 · 赫鲁晓夫,这名特工还携带有罗伯特·肯尼迪和杰奎琳·肯尼迪的信件。
90年代,亚历山大 · 弗森科和蒂莫西 · 纳夫塔利在苏联档案馆中发现了一份备忘录 ( 《一场豪赌》,1998年出版),根据这份备忘录,罗伯特和杰奎琳想告诉苏联领导人,他们认为约翰 · 肯尼迪是“一场右翼阴谋的受害者” ,“美苏关系可能出现降温,因为约翰逊不会永远持续下去。” [6]



Robert had planned to run for the American Presidency in 1972, but the escalation of the Vietnam War precipitated his decision to run in 1968. Another factor may have been the opening of the investigation by New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison in 1967. Garrison was allowed to view Abraham Zapruder’s amateur film, confiscated by the FBI on the day of the assassination. This film, despite evident tampering, shows that the fatal shot came from the “grassy knoll” well in front of the President, not from the School Book Depository located behind him, where Oswald was supposed to be shooting from.

罗伯特计划在1972年竞选美国总统,但是越南战争的升级促使他决定在1968年竞选总统。
另一个因素可能是1967年新奥尔良地区检察官吉姆 · 加里森展开的调查,加里森被允许观看亚伯拉罕 · 泽普鲁德拍摄的录像,录像在暗杀当天被联邦调查局没收。
这一录像,尽管有明显的篡改,但显示致命的一枪来自总统前方的“ 绿草坡” ,而不是奥斯瓦尔德身后的学校书库,奥斯瓦尔德应该是从那里射击的。

When talk of the investigation began, Kennedy asked one of his closest advisors, Frank Mankievitch, to follow its developments, “so if it gets to a point where I can do something about this, you can tell me what I need to know.” He confided to his friend William Attwood, then editor of Look magazine, that he, like Garrison, suspected a conspiracy, “but I can’t do anything until we get control of the White House.”[8] He refrained from openly supporting Garrison, believing that since the outcome of the investigation was uncertain, it could jeopardize his plans to reopen the case later, and even weaken his chances of election by construing his motivation as a family feud.

谈到调查开始时,罗伯特肯尼迪请他最亲密的顾问之一弗兰克 · 曼基耶维奇关注事态发展,“ 如果事态发展到了我可以采取行动的地步,你可以告诉我我需要知道的东西。”
他向当时担任《 Look》杂志主编的朋友威廉阿特伍德透露,他和加里森一样,怀疑这是一场阴谋,“但在我们控制住白宫之前,我什么都做不了。” [8]
他没有公开支持加里森,认为由于调查结果不确定,这可能会危及他以后重审此案的计划,甚至会把他当选的动机解释为家族宿怨,从而削弱他当选的机会。

In conclusion, there can be little doubt that, had he been elected president, Robert Kennedy would have done everything possible to reopen the case of his brother’s assassination, in one way or another. This fact certainly did not escape John’s murderers. They had no other option but to stop him. This first conclusion is a sufficient reason to conduct a comparative analysis of both Kennedy assassinations, in search of some converging clues that might lead us to the trail of a common mastermind.We begin with Robert’s assassination.

总之,毫无疑问,如果罗伯特 · 肯尼迪当选总统,他会尽一切可能以某种方式重新调查他哥哥被暗杀的案件。
杀害约翰的凶手当然无法逃脱这个事实,他们别无选择,只能阻止他。
这第一个结论是对肯尼迪的两次暗杀进行比较分析的充分理由,目的是寻找一些共同主谋的线索,我们从刺杀罗伯特开始。

Sirhan Sirhan, a Palestinian motivated by hatred of Israel?

索罕 · 索罕,一个仇恨以色列的巴勒斯坦人?

Just hours after Robert’s assassination, the press was able to inform the American people, not only of the identity of the assassin, but also of his motive, and even of his detailed biography.[9] Twenty-four-year-old Sirhan Bishara Sirhan was born in Jordania, and had moved to the United States when his family was expelled from West Jerusalem in 1948. After the shooting, a newspaper clipping was found in Sirhan’s pocket, quoting favorable comments made by Robert regarding Israel and, in particular, what sounded like an electoral commitment: “The United States should without delay sell Israel the 50 Phantom jets she has so long been promised.” Handwritten notes by Sirhan found in a notebook at his home confirmed that his act had been premeditated and motivated by his hatred of Israel.

就在罗伯特被刺杀的几个小时后,媒体不仅告知了美国人民刺客的身份,还有他的动机,甚至是他的详细传记。 [9] 24岁的索罕 · 索罕出生在约旦,1948年他的家人被驱逐出西耶路撒冷后,他移居到了美国。
枪击事件发生后,在索罕的口袋里发现了一份剪报,上面引用了罗伯特对以色列的正面评论,特别是听起来像是选举承诺的评论: “ 美国应该毫不拖延地向以色列出售长期以来一直承诺的50架幻影战斗机。”
在索罕家中的笔记本上发现的手写笔记证实,他的行为是有预谋的,是出于对以色列的仇恨。

That became the story line of the mainstream media from day one. Jerry Cohen of the Los Angeles Times wrote a front page article, saying that Sirhan is “described by acquaintances as a ‘virulent’ anti-Israeli,” (Cohen changed that into “virulent anti-semite” in an article for the The Salt Lake Tribune), and that: “Investigation and disclosures from persons who knew him best revealed [him] as a young man with a supreme hatred for the state of Israel.” Cohen infers that “Senator Kennedy […] became a personification of that hatred because of his recent pro-Israeli statements.” Cohen further revealed that:

从第一天起,这就成了主流媒体的故事线。
《洛杉矶时报》的杰瑞·科恩在头版发表文章,称索罕“被熟人形容为‘恶毒的''反以色列分子”( 科恩在纽约盐湖城论坛的一篇文章中将其改为“恶毒的反犹太分子”) ,并且“最了解他的人的调查和披露揭示了他是一个对以色列国有着极大仇恨的年轻人。”
科恩推断:“肯尼迪参议员最近的亲以色列言论使他成为发泄仇恨的替罪羊。”
科恩进一步透露:

“About three weeks ago the young Jordanian refugee accused of shooting Sen. Robert Kennedy wrote a memo to himself, […] The memo said: ‘Kennedy must be assassinated before June 5, 1968’—the first anniversary of the six-day war in which Israel humiliated three Arab neighbors, Egypt, Syria and Jordan.”[10]

“ 大约三个星期前,被指控枪击参议员罗伯特 · 肯尼迪的年轻约旦难民给自己写了一份备忘录,备忘录写道: ‘肯尼迪必须在1968年6月5日之前被暗杀''——这是以色列羞辱三个阿拉伯邻国埃及、叙利亚和约旦的六天战争的第一个周年纪念日。” [10]

After September 11, 2001, the tragedy of Robert’s assassination was installed into the Neocon mythology of the Clash of Civilizations and the War on Terror the story. Sirhan became a precursor of Islamic terrorism on the American soil. In a book entitled The Forgotten Terrorist, Mel Ayton, who specializes in debunking conspiracy theories, claims to present “a wealth of evidence about [Sirhan’s] fanatical Palestinian nationalism,” and to demonstrate that “Sirhan was the lone assassin whose politically motivated act was a forerunner of present-day terrorism” (as written on the back cover).

2001年911之后,罗伯特被暗杀的悲剧被载入了新保守主义文明冲突论的神话和反恐战争的故事中。
索罕成为美国领土上伊斯兰恐怖主义的始作俑者,在一本名为《被遗忘的恐怖分子》的书中,专门揭露阴谋论的梅尔 · 艾顿声称,他提供了“大量有关索罕[狂热的巴勒斯坦民族主义的证据” ,并证明“索罕是唯一的刺客,他出于政治动机的行为是当今恐怖主义的始作俑者 ”( 见封底 )。



Did Sirhan Bishara Sirhan really kill Robert Kennedy?
If we trust official statements and mainstream news, the assassination of Robert Kennedy is an open-and-shut case. The identity of the killer suffers no discussion, since he was arrested on the spot, with the smoking gun in his hand. In reality, ballistic and forensic evidence show that none of Sirhan’s bullets hit Kennedy.

索罕 · 索罕真的杀了罗伯特 · 肯尼迪吗?
如果我们相信官方声明和主流新闻,罗伯特 · 肯尼迪遇刺案就是一个显而易见的事件。
凶手的身份无需讨论,因为他当场被捕,手里拿着冒烟的枪——但事实上,弹道学和法医学证据显示索罕的子弹没有击中肯尼迪。

According to the autopsy report of Chief Medical Examiner-Coroner Thomas Noguchi, Robert Kennedy died of a gunshot wound to the brain, fired from behind the right ear at point blank range, following an upward angle. Nogushi restated his conclusion in his 1983 memoirs, Coroner. Yet the sworn testimony of twelve shooting witnesses established that Robert had never turned his back on Sirhan and that Sirhan was five to six feet away from his target when he fired.

根据首席法医兼验尸官托马斯 · 野口的尸检报告,罗伯特 · 肯尼迪死于脑部枪伤,子弹是近距离从右耳后面近距离向上射出的,在他1983年的回忆录《验尸官》中重申了他的结论。
而且十二名枪击目击者的宣誓证词表明,罗伯特从来没有背对索罕,并且索罕开枪时离目标有5到6英尺远。
计算了储藏室里所有子弹,以及肯尼迪周围 5 人受伤的情况,估计至少发射了 12 颗子弹,而索罕的枪只装了8颗子弹。

Tallying all the bullet impacts in the pantry, and those that wounded five people around Kennedy, it has been estimated that at least twelve bullets were fired, while Sirhan’s gun carried only eight. On April 23, 2011, attorneys William Pepper and his associate, Laurie Dusek, gathered all this evidence and more in a 58-page file submitted to the Court of California, asking that Sirhan’s case be reopened. They documented major irregularities in the 1968 trial, including the fact that the bullet tested in laboratory to be compared to the the one extracted from Robert’s brain had not been shot by Sirhan’s revolver, but by another gun, with a different serial number; thus, instead of incriminating Sirhan, the ballistic test in fact proved him innocent. Pepper has also provided a computer analysis of audio recordings during the shooting, made by engineer Philip Van Praag in 2008, which confirms that two guns are heard.[13]

2011年4月23日,律师威廉 · 佩珀和他的助手劳里 · 杜塞克在提交给加州法院的58页文件中收集了所有这些证据,并要求重新审理索罕的案件。
他们记录了1968年审判中的主要违规行为,包括实验室测试的子弹与从罗伯特大脑中提取的子弹相比较,子弹不是由索罕的左轮手枪射出的,而是由另一把序列号不同的枪射出的,因此,弹道测试事实上证明了他的清白,无法指控索罕。
佩珀还提供了由工程师菲利普 · 范 · 普拉格2008年对枪击过程中的录音进行的计算机分析,证实有两支枪的声音[13]

The presence of a second shooter was signaled by several witnesses and reported on the same day by a few news media. There are strong suspicions that the second shooter was Thane Eugene Cesar, a security guard hired for the evening, who was stuck behind Kennedy at the moment of the shooting, and seen with his pistol drawn by several witnesses. One of them, Don Schulman, positively saw him fire. Cesar was never investigated, even though he did not conceal his hatred for the Kennedys, who according to his recorded statement, had “sold the country down the road to the commies.”[14]

第二名枪手的出现得到了几名目击者的证实,几家新闻媒体在同一天报道了此事。
有人强烈怀疑第二个枪手是当晚雇佣的保安塞纳 · 尤金 · 塞萨尔,枪击发生时他被卡在肯尼迪身后,有几个目击者看到他拔出手枪。 其中一个人,唐 · 舒尔曼,肯定地看见他开火了,西泽从未被调查过,尽管他并没有隐瞒自己对肯尼迪家族的仇恨,根据他的录音声明,肯尼迪家族“把整个国家出卖给了别人 [14]

Even if we assume that Sirhan did kill Robert Kennedy, a second aspect of the case raises question: according to several witnesses, Sirhan seemed to be in a state of trance during the shooting. More importantly, Sirhan has always claimed, and continues to claim, that he has never had any recollection of his act:
“I was told by my attorney that I shot and killed Senator Robert F. Kennedy and that to deny this would be completely futile, [but] I had and continue to have no memory of the shooting of Senator Kennedy.”

即使我们假设索罕确实杀害了罗伯特 · 肯尼迪,案件的第二个方面也引发了问题:
根据几个目击者的说法,索罕在枪击发生时似乎处于恍惚状态,更重要的是,索罕一直声称,并继续声称,他从来没有任何关于他的行为的记忆:
“ 我的律师告诉我,我开枪打死了参议员罗伯特 · 弗朗西斯 · 肯尼迪,否认这一点是完全徒劳的,[ 但 ] 我过去和现在都不记得有枪杀参议员肯尼迪的事情。”

He also claims to have no memory of “many things and incidents which took place in the weeks leading up to the shooting.”[15] Some repetitive lines written of a notebook found in Sirhan’s bedroom, which Sirhan recognizes as his own handwriting but does not remember writing, are reminiscent of automatic writing.[16]

他还声称对“ 枪击发生前几周发生的许多事情和事件 ”没有任何记忆 [15]
在索罕卧室里发现的一个笔记本上有一些重复的字迹,苏尔汉认出这是他自己的笔迹,但不记得写过什么,让人联想到所谓的“ 自动书写”(译注:automatic writing,神笔,灵媒用语,身体被控制产生幻觉)。 [16]

Psychiatric expertise, including lie-detector tests, have confirmed that Sirhan’s amnesia is not faked. In 2008, Harvard University professor Daniel Brown, a noted expert in hypnosis and trauma memory loss, interviewed Sirhan for a total of 60 hours, and concluded that Sirhan, whom he classifies in the category of “high hypnotizables,” acted unvoluntarily under the effect of hypnotic suggestion: “His firing of the gun was neither under his voluntary control, nor done with conscious knowledge, but is likely a product of automatic hypnotic behavior and coercive control.”[17]

精神病学专家,包括测谎仪测试,已经证实索罕的健忘症不是伪造的。
2008年,著名催眠和创伤性记忆丧失专家、哈佛大学教授丹尼尔 · 布朗对索罕总共采访了60个小时,得出的结论是,在催眠暗示的作用下,他不是自愿开枪的,“他开枪的时候既不是自愿的,也不是有意识的,很可能是自动催眠行为和强制控制的产物。” [17]

We know that in the 1960s, American military agencies were experimenting on mental control. Dr Sidney Gottlieb, son of Hungarian Jews, directed the infamous CIA MKUltra project, which, among other things, were to answer questions such as: “Can a person under hypnosis be forced to commit murder?” according to a declassified document dated May 1951.[18] According to Israeli journalist Ronen Bergman, author of Rise and Kill First: The Secret History of Israel’s Targeted Assassinations (Random House, 2018), in 1968, an Israeli military psychologist by the name of Benjamin Shalit had concocted a plan to take a Palestinian prisoner and “brainwash and hypnotize him into becoming a programmed killer” aimed at Yasser Arafat.[19]

我们知道在20世纪60年代,美国军事机构在进行精神控制的实验。
匈牙利犹太人之子西德尼 · 戈特利布博士指导了臭名昭著的中情局 “人脑控制项目”(MKUltra) 项目,该项目的目的之一是回答以下问题: “一个被催眠的人能被迫犯下谋杀罪吗? ”
根据1951年5月的一份解密文件 [18],《 以色列定点暗杀的秘密历史》( 兰登书屋,2018年)一书的作者、以色列记者罗恩 · 伯格曼说,1968年,一位名叫本杰明 · 沙利特的以色列军事心理学家策划了一个计划,绑架一名巴勒斯坦囚犯,并对他进行“洗脑和催眠,使他成为一名程序化杀手” ,目标是亚西尔 · 阿拉法特。 [19]

If Sirhan was hypnotically programmed, the question is: Who had some interest in having a visceral anti-Zionist Palestinian blamed for the killing of Robert Kennedy? Israel, of course. But then, we are faced with a dilemma, for why would Israel want to kill Robert Kennedy if Robert Kennedy was supportive of Israel, as the mainstream narrative goes?

如果索罕是被催眠设定的,那么问题是:
谁会对一个杀害罗伯特 · 肯尼迪的、发自内心的反犹太复国主义的巴勒斯坦人感兴趣?
当然是以色列。
但是,我们面临着一个困境,如果罗伯特 · 肯尼迪支持以色列,为什么以色列要杀死罗伯特 · 肯尼迪?



Robert had not been, in his brother’s government, a particularly pro-Israel Attorney General: He had infuriated Zionist leaders by supporting an investigation led by Senator William Fulbright of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations aimed at registering the American Zionist Council as a “foreign agent” subject to the obligations defined by the Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938, which would had considerably hindered its efficiency (after 1963, the AZD escaped this procedure by changing its status and renaming itself AIPAC)[21].

在他兄弟的政府中,罗伯特并不是一个特别亲以色列的司法部长:
他支持参议院外交关系委员会参议员威廉 · 富布赖特发起的一项调查,目的是将美国犹太复国主义理事会登记为”外国代理人” ,但须遵守1938年《外国代理人登记法》规定的义务,这将大大妨碍其效率 ( 1963年以后,阿兹台德通过改变其地位和更名为“美国以色列公共事务委员会”而逃脱了这一程序) [21]。

In conclusion, it is only with outstanding hypocrisy that The Jewish Daily Forward could write, on the 40th anniversary of Bobby’s death:
“In remembering Bobby Kennedy, let us remember not just what he lived for, but also what he died for—namely, the precious nature of the American-Israeli relationship.”[22]

《犹太前进报》在纪念罗伯特·肯尼迪逝世40周年时写道:
“在纪念鲍比 · 肯尼迪时,让我们不仅记住他为之而生的东西,也记住他为之而死的东西——这是美以关系的宝贵本质。”

Robert Kennedy’s death had not been a bad thing for the precious “American-Israeli relationship.” Rather, it was a great loss for the Arab world, where Bobby was mourned just as had his brother John before him.

罗伯特 · 肯尼迪的死对珍贵的“美以关系”来说并不是一件坏事,相反,这对阿拉伯世界来说是一个巨大的损失,在那里,罗伯特 · 肯尼迪和他的哥哥约翰 · 肯尼迪一样被哀悼。

Of course, the fact that the Zionist media lied when granting Robert Kennedy some posthumous certificate of good will toward Israel, and thereby provided Israel with a fake alibi, is not a sufficient reason for concluding that Israel murdered Robert. Even the fact that the masterminds of the plot chose as their programmed instrument an anti-Zionist Palestinian, and thereby stirred a strong anti-Palestinian feeling among Americans at the same time as getting rid of Robert, does not prove that Israel was involved. What is still lacking for a serious presumption is a plausible motive.

当然,犹太复国主义媒体在罗伯特·肯尼迪死后向以色列提供善意证明时撒了谎,从而为以色列提供了假的不在场证明,这一事实并不能成为得出以色列谋杀了罗伯特的结论的充分理由。
即使策划这一阴谋的人选择了一个反犹太复国主义的巴勒斯坦人作为他们的既定工具,从而在除掉罗伯特的同时在美国人中激起了强烈的反巴勒斯坦人的情绪,这一事实也不能证明以色列参与其中。
一个严肃的假设还缺少一个合理的动机。

The motive of Robert’s assassination must be found, not in what Robert publicly declared in an Oregon synagogue during his presidential campaign, but rather in what he confided only to his most close friends: his intention to reopen the investigation on his brother’s death. Our next question, therefore, is: What would an unbiased investigation, conducted under the supervision of Robert in the White House, have revealed?

刺杀罗伯特的动机必须找到,不是在罗伯特竞选总统期间在俄勒冈州一所犹太教堂公开宣布的,而是在他只向最亲密的朋友吐露的:
他打算重新调查他哥哥的死因。
因此,我们的下一个问题是:
罗伯特倘若入主白宫,在其监督下进行的公正调查会揭示什么?

Did the CIA assassinate Kennedy?
It is obvious to anybody just vaguely informed that a genuine investigation would first establish that Oswald was a mere “patsy”, as he said himself, a scapegoat prepared in advance to be blamed for the crime and then be slaughtered without a trial. We will not here review the evidence that contradicts the official thesis of the lone gunman. It can be found in numerous books and documentary films.

中情局暗杀(约翰)肯尼迪了吗?
很明显,任何人都只是模糊地知道,真正的调查应该首先确定奥斯瓦尔德只是一个“替罪羊”,就像他自己所说的那样,一个事先准备好要为罪行承担责任、然后未经审判就被屠杀的替罪羊。
我们不会在这里审查与官方论点相矛盾的证据,它可以在许多书籍和纪录片中找到。

Just as notorious is the theory that the plot to kill Kennedy originated from a secret network within the CIA, in collusion with extremist elements in the Pentagon. That conspiracy theory looms the largest in books, articles and films that have been produced since John Kennedy died.

同样臭名昭著的理论是,刺杀肯尼迪的阴谋来自中央情报局的一个秘密网络,与五角大楼的极端分子勾结。
自约翰肯尼迪去世以来,这一阴谋论在出版的书籍、文章和电影中占据了最重要的位置。

That CIA-Pentagon theory, as I will call it (add the military-industrial complex if you wish) has a major flaw in the motive ascribed to the killers: besides getting rid of Kennedy, the theory goes, the aim was to create a pretext for invading Cuba, something the CIA had always pushed for and Kennedy had refused to do (the Bay of Pigs fiasco). With Oswald groomed as a pro-Castro communist, the Dallas shooting was staged as a false flag attack to be blamed on Cuba. But then, why did no invasion of Cuba followed Kennedy’s assassination? Why was the pro-Castro Oswald abandoned by the Warren Commission in favor of the lone nut Oswald? Those who address the question, like James Douglass in his JFK and the Unspeakable, credit Johnson with preventing the invasion. Johnson, we are led to understand, had nothing to do with the assassination plot, and thwarted the plotters’ ultimate aim to start World War III. This is to ignore the tremendous amount of evidence accumulated against Johnson for fifty years, and documented in such groundbreaking books as Phillip Nelson’s LBJ: The Mastermind of JFK’s Assassination (2010) or Roger Stone’s The Man Who Killed Kennedy: The Case Against LBJ (2013).

“CIA-五角大楼”论,我把它 ( 如果你希望添加军工复合体) 的一个动机归因于凶手的主要缺陷:
除了摆脱肯尼迪,理论上说,目的是创建一个借口入侵古巴,中央情报局一直推动肯尼迪拒绝的事情( 猪湾事件 )。
奥斯瓦尔德被打扮成支持卡斯特罗的人,而达拉斯的枪击事件被当作虚假攻击,并被归咎于古巴。

但是,为什么肯尼迪遇刺后没有入侵古巴呢?
为什么支持卡斯特罗的奥斯瓦尔德被沃伦委员会抛弃,转而支持孤僻的奥斯瓦尔德的说法?
提出这个问题的人,比如詹姆斯·道格拉斯在《谁是肯尼迪》和《难以言说》中说,他认为约翰逊阻止了入侵。
我们了解到,约翰逊与暗杀阴谋无关,挫败了阴谋者发动第三次世界大战的最终目标。
这就忽略了五十年来积累的大量不利于约翰逊的证据,这些证据被记录在菲利普 · 纳尔逊)的《约翰逊:肯尼迪遇刺案的策划者》或罗杰 · 斯通的《杀死肯尼迪的人:反对约翰逊的例证》等开创性著作中。

Another weakness in the CIA-Pentagon theory is the lack of agreement about the mastermind of the plot. In fact, one of the names that comes up most often is James Jesus Angleton, the head of Counter-Intelligence within the CIA, about whom Professor John Newman writes in Oswald and the CIA:
“In my view, whoever Oswald’s direct handler or handlers were, we must now seriously consider the possibility that Angleton was probably their general manager. No one else in the Agency had the access, the authority, and the diabolically ingenious mind to manage this sophisticated plot.”[23]



In such a way, The New York Times was planting a sign, a month and a half before the Dallas killing, pointing to the CIA as the most likely instigator of the upcoming coup. The sign said: “The President is going to fall victim of a coup, and it will come from the CIA.”

就这样,《纽约时报》在达拉斯被杀事件发生前一个半月就植入了一个信号,指出CIA 最有可能是即将到来的政变的煽动者,并写道:“总统将成为政变的牺牲品,它将来自中央情报局。”

One month after Kennedy’s assassination, it was the turn of the Washington Post to use a very similar trick, by publishing an op-ed signed by Harry Truman, in which the former president said he was “disturbed by the way CIA has been diverted from its original assignment.” “I never had any thought when I set up the CIA that it would be injected into peacetime cloak and dagger operations,” at the point of becoming across the globe “a symbol of sinister and mysterious foreign intrigue […] there are now some searching questions that need to be answered.”[27]

在肯尼迪遇刺一个月后,《华盛顿邮报》采用一个非常类似的做法,《华盛顿邮报》发表了哈里 · 杜鲁门署名的专栏文章,这位前总统在文章中表示,他“对中央情报局偏离其最初任务的方式感到不安 ”, “当我建立中央情报局的时候,我从来没有想过它会被注入到和平时期的暗杀行动中,”在全球变成“一个邪恶和神秘的外国阴谋的象征... ... 现在有一些探索性的问题需要回答。” [27]

Truman was hinting at the CIA’s role in toppling foreign governments and assassinating elected leaders abroad. But given the timing of his article, one month to the day after Dallas, it could only be understood by anyone with ears to hear, and at least subliminally by the rest, as an indictment of the CIA in the Kennedy assassination. This article, widely reprinted in the 1970s after the creation of the Church Committee and the House sext Committee on Assassinations, is regarded as Truman’s whistleblowing. Yet its mea culpa style is quite unlike Truman; that is because it was not written by Truman, but by his longtime assistant and ghostwriter, a Russian born Jew named David Noyes, whom Sidney Krasnoff calls “Truman’s alter ego” in his book, Truman and Noyes: Story of a President’s Alter Ego (1997). Truman probably never saw the article prior to its publication in the Washington Post morning edition, but he may be responsible for its deletion from the afternoon print runs.[28]

杜鲁门暗示中央情报局在推翻外国政府和暗杀国外民选领导人方面所起的作用。
但是考虑到他文章发表的时间---- 距离达拉斯暗杀之后一个月---- 它能被任何有头脑的人理解,至少是下意识地被其他人理解为对中情局在肯尼迪暗杀事件中的控诉。
这篇文章,在20世纪70年代教会委员会和众议院暗杀特别委员会成立后被广泛转载,被认为是杜鲁门的告密。

不过,这篇文章认错式的风格与杜鲁门的风格大不相同,因为它不是杜鲁门写的,而是他的长期助手兼代笔人大卫 · 诺伊斯写的。
诺伊斯是一个出生于俄罗斯的犹太人,西德尼 · 克拉斯诺夫在他的书《杜鲁门和诺伊斯: 一个总统改变自我的故事》指出,杜鲁门在这篇文章发表在《华盛顿邮报》上之前可能从来没有看到过这篇文章,但是他可能对这篇文章印刷版中删除负有责任。 [28]

So the two most influential American newspapers, while ostensibly defending the official theory of the lone gunman, have planted directional signs pointing to the CIA. Most Kennedy truthers have followed the signs with enthusiasm.

美国最有影响力的两家报纸,表面上为官方的单枪匹马枪手理论辩护,实际上却指向中央情报局,大多数“肯尼迪真相”狂热追求者都追随了这些迹象。

In the 70s, the mainstream media and publishing industry played again a major role in steering conspiracy theorists toward the CIA, while avoiding any hint of Israeli involvement. One major contributor to that effort was A. J. Weberman, with his 1975 book Coup d’état in America: The CIA and the Assassination of John F. Kennedy, co-authored by Michael Canfield . According to the New York Jewish Daily Forward (December 28, 2012), Weberman had “immigrated to Israel in 1959 and has dual American-Israeli citizenship,” and is “a close associate of Jewish Defense Organization founder Mordechai Levy, whose fringe group is a spin-off of the late Rabbi Meir Kahane’s militant right-wing Jewish Defense League.” Weberman acknowledged Neocon Richard Perle’s assistance in his investigation.[29] The Weberman-Canfield book contributed to the momentum that led the House sext Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) to reinvestigate in 1976 the murders of JFK and Dr. Martin Luther King.

70年代,主流媒体和出版业在引导阴谋论者转向中央情报局方面再次扮演了重要角色,同时避免了任何以色列参与的暗示。
其中一个主要贡献者是 A. J. 威伯曼,他在1975年与迈克尔坎菲尔德合著了《美国的政变:中央情报局和肯尼迪遇刺案》一书,据《 纽约犹太人前进日报 》(New York Jewish Daily Forward,2012年12月28日 ) 报道,威伯曼“于1959年移民到以色列,拥有美国和以色列双重国籍” ,并且是“犹太人防卫组织创始人莫德凯 · 利维的亲密伙伴,他的边缘团体是已故拉比 · 梅尔 · 卡哈内的激进右翼防卫犹太联盟。
韦伯曼承认新保守主义者理查德·派瑞 在他的调查中提供了帮助。 [29]
韦伯曼-坎菲尔德的书促使众议院暗杀特别委员会 (HSCA) 在1976年重新调查肯尼迪和马丁·路德·金博士的谋杀案。

It is also in this context that Newsweek journalist Edward Jay Epstein published an interview of George De Mohrenschildt, a Russian geologist and consultant for Texan oilmen who had befriended Oswald and his Russian wife in Dallas in 1962. In this interview, De Mohrenschildt admitted that Oswald had been introduced to him at the instigation of Dallas CIA agent J. Walton Moore.[30] That piece of information is dubious for several reasons: First, Moore was officially FBI rather than CIA. Second, De Mohrenschildt was in no position to confirm or deny the words that Epstein ascribed to him: he was found dead a few hours after giving the interview. In fact, De Mohrenschildt’s interview published by Epstein contradicts De Mohrenschildt’s own manuscxt account of his relationship to Oswald, revealed after his death.[31] De Mohrenschildt’s death was ruled a suicide. The Sheriff’s report mentions that in his last months he complained that “the Jews” and “the Jewish mafia” were out to get him.[32]

正是在这种背景下,《新闻周刊》记者爱德华 · 杰 · 爱泼斯坦发表了一篇对乔治 · 德 · 莫伦斯切尔特的采访,这位俄罗斯地质学家和德州石油商顾问于1962年在达拉斯结识了奥斯瓦尔德和他的俄罗斯妻子。
在这次采访中,· 德 · 莫伦斯切尔特承认奥斯瓦尔德是在达拉斯中央情报局特工 J . 沃尔顿摩尔的唆使下被介绍给他的。 [30]
这条消息之所以可疑,有几个原因:
首先,摩尔的官方身份是联邦调查局而不是中央情报局。

其次,德莫伦斯切尔特无法证实或否认爱普斯坦认为他说的话: 他在接受采访几小时后被发现死亡。
事实上,爱泼斯坦出版的对德 · 莫伦斯切尔特的采访与德 · 莫伦斯切尔特死后透露的他与奥斯瓦尔德关系的手稿记录相矛盾。 [31]
德 · 莫伦斯切尔特 的死被判定为自杀,治安官的报告提到,在他生命的最后几个月里,他抱怨“犹太人”和“犹太黑手党”想抓住他。 [32]

Needless to say, Epstein didn’t mention anything about this. More suspicions arise from the fact that Epstein’s main source for his 1978 book, Legend: the Secret World of Lee Harvey Oswald, was James Jesus Angleton, who was actively spreading disinformation at the time of the HSCA, defending the theory that Oswald was a KGB agent with CIA connections.

不用说,爱泼斯坦对此事只字未提,1978年出版的《传奇:李·哈维·奥斯瓦尔德的秘密世界》一书中,爱泼斯坦的主要信息来源是詹姆斯·安格尔顿,他在 HSCA(众议院暗杀特别委员会)时期积极散布假情报,为奥斯瓦尔德是克格勃特工与中央情报局有联系的说法辩护。

That Israeli agents have been instrumental in spreading conspiracy theories targeting the CIA is also evidenced by Oliver Stone’s film JFK released in 1991, starring Kevin Costner in the role of New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison. This film, which shook public opinion to the point of motivating the President John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection Act of 1992, was produced by Arnon Milchan, described in a 2011 biography as being from his youth “one of the most important covert agents that Israeli intelligence has ever fielded,” involved in arms smuggling from the US to Israel.[33] In 2013 Milchan publicly revealed his extended activity as a secret agent of Israel, working in particular to boost Israel’s nuclear program.[34] It is therefore no wonder that Stone’s film gives no hint of the Mossad connection that Garrison stumbled upon.

奥利弗 · 斯通1991年上映的电影《刺杀肯尼迪》也证明了以色列特工在传播针对中央情报局的阴谋论中起到了重要作用,该片由凯文 · 科斯特纳饰演新奥尔良地区检察官吉姆 · 加里森。
这部由迈尔坎制作电影震撼了公众舆论,甚至激励了暗杀档案复核小组工作,迈尔坎在2011年的一本传记中描述他年轻时是“以色列情报部门有史以来最重要的秘密特工之一” ,参与了从美国向以色列走私军火的活动。 [33]
2013年,米尔昌公开披露了他作为以色列特工的长期活动,特别是为推动以色列的核计划而工作。
因此,斯通的电影丝毫没有暗示加里森偶然发现的与摩萨德的联系也就不足为奇了。

Who killed JFK?
By a strange paradox, the authors who stand for the consensual conspiracy theory of a CIA plot against Kennedy build their case on the biography of Oswald, while at the same time claiming that Oswald had almost nothing to do with the killing. If Oswald was “just a patsy,” as he publicly claimed, the quest for the real culprits must logically begin by investigating the man who silenced Oswald.

谁杀了肯尼迪?
通过一个奇怪的悖论,支持中央情报局阴谋反对肯尼迪的两厢情愿阴谋论的作者把他们的案子建立在奥斯瓦尔德的传记上,同时声称奥斯瓦尔德几乎与谋杀无关。
如果奥斯瓦尔德像他公开声称的那样“只是个替罪羊” ,那么从逻辑上讲,寻找真正的罪犯必须从调查让奥斯瓦尔德闭嘴的那个人开始。

Oswald’s assassin is known as Jack Ruby, but few people know that his real name was Jacob Leon Rubenstein, and that he was the son of Jewish Polish immigrants. Ruby was a member of the Jewish underworld. He was a friend of Los Angeles gangster Mickey Cohen, whom he had known and admired since 1946. Cohen was the successor of the famed Benjamin Siegelbaum, aka Bugsy Siegel, one of the bosses of Murder Incorporated. Cohen was infatuated with the Zionist cause, as he explained in his memoirs: “Now I got so engrossed with Israel that I actually pushed aside a lot of my activities and done nothing but what was involved with this Irgun war”.[35]

杀奥斯瓦尔德的人叫杰克·鲁比,但很少有人知道他的真名叫杰克·鲁比,而且他是犹太裔波兰移民的儿子。
鲁比是犹太黑社会的成员,他是洛杉矶黑帮分子米奇 · 科恩的朋友,自1946年起他就认识并崇拜他。
科恩是著名的本杰明 · 西格尔鲍姆,又名布格西 · 西格尔的继任者,他是谋杀集团的老板之一。
科恩迷恋犹太复国主义事业,正如他在回忆录中解释的那样: “现在我对以色列如此着迷,以至于我实际上把自己的许多活动抛在一边,什么也不做,只做与伊尔贡(注: Irgun,英国统治巴勒斯坦时期进行地下活动的犹太复国主义右翼组织)之战有关的事情。” [35]

Mickey Cohen was in contact with Menachem Begin, the former Irgun chief, with whom he even “spent a lot of time,” according to Gary Wean, former detective sergeant for the Los Angeles Police Department. So there is a direct line connecting Jack Ruby, via Mickey Cohen, to the Israeli terrorist ring, and in particular to Menachem Begin, a specialist in false flag terror. We also know that Ruby phoned Al Gruber, a Mickey Cohen associate, just after Oswald’s arrest; no doubt he received then “an offer he couldn’t refuse,” as they say in the underworld.[36] Ruby’s defense lawyer William Kunstler wrote in his memoirs that Ruby told him he had killed Oswald “for the Jews,” and Ruby’s rabbi Hillel Silverman received the same confession when visiting Ruby in jail.[37]

洛杉矶警察局前侦探长加里 · 韦恩说,米奇 · 科恩与前 Irgun 首席执行官梅纳赫姆 · 贝京有联系,他们甚至“相处了很长时间”。
所以有一条线通过米奇 · 科恩将杰克 · 鲁比与以色列恐怖组织联系起来,特别是与梅纳赫姆 · 贝京,一位假恐怖活动的专家。
我们还知道,就在奥斯瓦尔德被捕后不久,鲁比给米奇 · 科恩的同事阿尔 · 格鲁伯打了电话,毫无疑问,当时他收到了“一个他无法拒绝的提议” ,这是黑社会里常见的用语。 [36]
鲁比的辩护律师威廉 · 昆斯特勒在回忆录中写道,鲁比告诉他,他杀害奥斯瓦尔德是“为了犹太人” ,鲁比的拉比希勒尔 · 西尔弗曼在狱中探望鲁比时也得到了同样的供词。 [37]

That is not all. At every levels of the conspiracy to kill Kennedy, we also find the fingerprints of the Israeli deep state. JFK’s trip to Dallas, being officially “non political,” was sponsored by a powerful business group known as the Dallas Citizens Council, dominated by Julius Schepps, “a wholesale liquor distributor, member of every synagogue in town, and de facto leader of the Jewish community,” as described by Bryan Edward Stone in The Chosen Folks: Jews on the Frontiers of Texas.[38] Kennedy was on his way to the reception organized in his honor when he was shot.
The “host committee” inviting Kennedy was chaired by another influential figure of the wealthy Jewish community in Dallas: advertising executive and PR man Sam Bloom. According to former British Intelligence Officer Colonel John Hughes-Wilson, it was Bloom who suggested to the Police “that they move the alleged assassin [Oswald] from the Dallas police station to the Dallas County Jail in order to give the newsmen a good story and pictures.”Oswald was shot by Ruby during this transfert. Hughes-Wilson adds that,“when the police later searched Ruby’s home, they found a slip of paper with Bloom’s name, address and telephone number on it.”[39]

这还不是全部。
在刺杀肯尼迪的阴谋的各个层面,我们还发现了以色列“暗深势力集团”(Deep State)的踪迹。
肯尼迪的达拉斯之行,官方说法是“非政治性的” ,是由一个名为达拉斯公民委员会的强大商业组织赞助的。
该组织由朱利叶斯谢普斯导,布莱恩爱德华斯通在《被选中的人: 德克萨斯州边境的犹太人》称, 肯尼迪被枪杀时,他正在前往为他举行的招待会的路上。

邀请肯尼迪的“主办委员会”由达拉斯富裕的犹太社区中另一位有影响力的人物担任主席:广告主管兼公关人员萨姆 · 布鲁姆。
根据前英国情报官员约翰 · 休斯威尔逊上校的说法,是布鲁姆向警方建议“他们把所谓的暗杀者( 奥斯瓦尔德) 从达拉斯警察局转移到达拉斯县监狱,以便给新闻记者提供一个好的故事和照片。”
奥斯瓦尔德在这次转移中被鲁比枪杀。
休斯威尔逊补充说,“警察后来搜查鲁比的家时,发现了一张纸条,上面有布鲁姆的姓名、地址和电话号码。” [39]

After the Dallas tragedy, Israel’s sayanim were also busy fabricating the official lie. Apart from its chairman Earl Warren, chosen for his figurative role as Chief Justice, all key people in the investigative Commission were either personal enemies of Kennedy—like Allen Dulles, the CIA director fired by Kennedy in 1961—or ardent Zionists. The man who played the key role in fabricating the government lie purveyed by the Warren Commission was Arlen Specter, the inventor of what came to be called the “magic bullet” theory: a single bullet supposed to have caused seven wounds to Kennedy and John Connally sitting before him in the limousine, and later found in pristine condition on a gurney in Parkland Memorial Hospital in Dallas. Specter, who with an ironic touch of chutzpah titled his autobiography Passion for Truth, was the son of Russian Jewish immigrants, and, at his death in 2012, was mourned by the Israeli government as “an unswerving defender of the Jewish State,” and by AIPAC, as “a leading architect of the congressional bond between our country and Israel.”[40]
So, at all stages of the plot, we find a Zionist cabal including business men, politicians and Irgun-connected gangsters, not forgetting media executives, all devoted to Israel.

拉斯悲剧发生后,以色列也忙于编造官方谎言,除了调查委员会主席厄尔沃伦——他被选为首席大法官——之外,调查委员会的所有关键人物要么是肯尼迪的个人敌人,比如1961年被肯尼迪解雇的中央情报局局长艾伦·杜勒斯,要么就是狂热的犹太复国主义者。
在制造政府谎言的过程中起到关键作用的人是艾伦斯佩克特,后来被称为“魔法子弹理论”的发明者:
一颗子弹造成了肯尼迪的七处伤口,但坐在他前面的豪华轿车里的约翰·康纳利在达拉斯帕克兰纪念医院的轮床上却被发现完好无损。

斯佩克特在他的以一种讽刺口吻命名的自传《真相的激情》中,称他是俄罗斯犹太移民的儿子,2012年去世时,以色列政府为他哀悼,称他是“犹太国家坚定的捍卫者”,美国以色列公共事务委员会( AIPAC) 称他是“我们国家和以色列之间国会纽带的主要设计师” [40]
在阴谋的各个阶段,我们都能找到一个犹太复国主义阴谋集团,其中包括商人、政客和与伊尔贡有关联的黑帮,更不必说媒体高管们,他们全都效忠于以色列。

The most plausible motive for Israel to kill Kennedy has been revealed by two books: Seymour Hersh’s The Samson Option in 1991, then Avner Cohen’s Israel and the Bomb in 1998, and the lead has been followed up in 2007 by Michael Karpin in The Bomb in the Basement. What these investigators reveal is that Kennedy, informed by the CIA in 1960 of the military aim pursued at the Dimona complex in the Negev desert, was firmly determined to force Israel to renounce it. With that purpose in mind, he replaced CIA Director Allen Dulles by John McCone, who had, as Eisenhower’s chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC), leaked to The New York Times the truth about Israel’s Dimona project; the story was printed on December 19, 1960, weeks before Kennedy was to take office. As Alan Hart writes, “there can be no doubt that Kennedy’s determination to stop Israel developing its own nuclear bomb was the prime factor in his decision to appoint McCone.”[41] Then Kennedy urged Ben-Gurion to allow regular inspections of Dimona, first verbally in New York in 1961, and later through more and more insistent letters. In the last one, cabled June 15, 1963 to the Israeli ambassador with instruction to hand it personally to Ben-Gurion, Kennedy demanded Ben-Gurion’s agreement for an immediate visit followed by regular visits every six months, otherwise “this Government’s commitment to and support of Israel could be seriously jeopardized.”[42] The result was unexpected: Ben-Gurion avoided official reception of the letter by announcing his resignation on June 16. As soon as the new Prime Minister Levi Eshkol took office, Kennedy sent him a similar letter, dated July 5, 1963, to no avail. Did Ben-Gurion resign in order to deal with Kennedy from another level?

两本书揭示了以色列杀害肯尼迪最合理的动机:
1991年西摩 · 赫什的《萨姆森选项》 ,1998年阿夫纳 · 科恩的《以色列和炸弹》 ,2007年迈克尔 · 卡宾在《地下室的炸弹》中追踪了这一线索。
这些调查人员透露的信息是,1960年,中央情报局通知肯尼迪在内盖夫沙漠中的迪莫纳建筑群进行的军事行动,他下定决心要迫使以色列放弃这项计划。
考虑到这个目的,他用约翰 · 麦科恩取代了中央情报局局长艾伦 · 杜勒斯,麦科恩是艾森豪威尔的原子能委员会(AEC)主席,他向《纽约时报》透露了关于以色列的迪莫纳计划的真相,这篇报道于1960年12月19日出版,比肯尼迪上任早几个星期。

正如艾伦哈特所写,“毫无疑问,肯尼迪阻止以色列发展自己的核弹的决心,是他任命麦科恩的主要因素。” [41]后来,肯尼迪敦促本古里安允许对迪莫纳进行定期检查,1961年,第一次是在纽约口头上进行检查,后来又通过越来越多坚持不懈的信件进行检查。
在1963年6月15日给以色列大使的最后一封电报中,肯尼迪要求本古里安同意立即访问,然后每六个月定期访问一次,否则”本国政府对以色列的承诺和支持可能受到严重损害” [42]
结果出人意料:本-古里安于6月16日宣布辞职,从而避免了正式接受这封信。
1963年7月5日,新任总理列维 · 埃什科尔上任后,肯尼迪给他写了一封类似的信,但毫无用处。
本-古里安辞职是为了从另一个层面上对付肯尼迪吗?



Kennedy behaved warmly toward Nasser, Israel’s worst enemy. Historian Philip Muehlenbeck writes:
“While the Eisenhower administration had sought to isolate Nasser and reduce his influence through building up Saudi Arabia’s King Saud as a conservative rival to the Egyptian president, the Kennedy administration pursued the exact opposite strategy.”[44]

肯尼迪对以色列最大的敌人纳赛尔表现得很热情,历史学家菲利普 · 穆伦贝克写道:
“尽管艾森豪威尔政府试图孤立纳赛尔,并通过将沙特阿拉伯国王沙特塑造成埃及总统的保守对手来削弱他的影响力,但肯尼迪政府却采取了完全相反的策略。” [44]

After Kennedy’s death, American foreign policy was reversed again, without the American public being aware of it. Johnson cut the economic aid to Egypt, and increased the military aid to Israel, which reached 92 million dollars in 1966, more than the total of all previous years combined.

肯尼迪去世后,美国的外交政策再次发生逆转,而美国公众却毫不知情。
约翰逊削减了对埃及的经济援助,增加了对以色列的军事援助,1966年达到9200万美元,超过了以往所有年份的总和。

For 50 years, the Israeli trail in the Kennedy assassination has been smothered, and anyone who mentioned it was immediately ostracized. American congressman Paul Findley nevertheless dared write in March 1992 in the Washington Report on Middle East Affairs: “It is interesting to note that in all the words written and uttered about the Kennedy assassination, Israel’s intelligence agency, the Mossad, has never been mentioned.” One single author has seriously investigated that trail: Michael Collins Piper, in his 1995 book Final Judgment: The Missing lix in the JFK Assassination Conspiracy. Piper was largely ignored by the mainstream of the Kennedy truth movement. But his work has made its way nevertheless. In 2013, Martin Sandler wrote about Piper’s work in his edition of letters by Kennedy, which included those addressed to Ben-Gurion about Dimona: “Of all the conspiracy theories, it remains one of the most intriguing.”It is, in fact, a theory widespread in Arab countries.[45]

50年来,肯尼迪暗杀案中的以色列痕迹一直被压制着,任何提到它的人都会立即被排斥。
尽管如此,美国国会议员保罗 · 芬德利还是在1992年3月的《华盛顿中东事务报告》中大胆的写道: “值得注意的是,在所有关于肯尼迪遇刺的文字和言论中,以色列情报机构摩萨德从未被提及。”

迈克尔 · 柯林斯 · 派珀在他1995年出版的《最终审判: 肯尼迪刺杀阴谋中缺失的一环》一书中认真研究了这条线索。
派珀在很大程度上被肯尼迪真相运动的主流忽视了,但他的工作还是取得了成功。
2013年,马丁 · 桑德勒在他《 肯尼迪家书》中介绍了派珀的作品,其中包括那些写给本-古里安的关于迪莫纳的信件: “在所有的阴谋论中,它仍然是最引人入胜的一个。”事实上,这是一个在阿拉伯国家广为流传的理论。 [45]

The case against Lyndon Johnson
Several investigators have identified Lyndon Johnson, Kennedy’s vice-president, as the mastermind of the Kennedy assassination. It is, at least, beyond doubt that the plotters acted with the foreknowledge that Johnson, who automatically stepped in as head of State after Kennedy’s death, would cover them. The context of national crisis enabled him to bully both Justice and the press while achieving his life’s ambition. Johnson not just benefitted from the plot; he participated in its elaboration. As a former senator from Texas, he could mobilize high-ranked accomplices in Dallas to prepare the ambush. Johnson also had his men in the Navy. In 1961, Texan senator John Connally had been appointed as Navy Secretary at the request of Johnson. When Connally resigned eleven months later to run for governor of Texas, Johnson convinced Kennedy to name another of his Texan friends, Fred Korth.

反林登 · 约翰逊案
几名调查人员已经确认,肯尼迪的副总统林登约翰逊是肯尼迪遇刺案的主谋。
至少,毫无疑问,密谋者的行动是在肯尼迪死后自动成为国家元首的约翰逊事先知情的情况下进行的。
在国家危机的背景下,他在实现人生理想的同时,对正义和新闻界进行了欺压。
约翰逊不仅从这个阴谋中受益,他还参与了这个阴谋的制定。
作为一名前德克萨斯州参议员,他可以动员达拉斯的高级帮凶为伏击做准备,约翰逊在海军中也有他的部下。
1961年,德克萨斯州参议员约翰 · 康纳利应约翰逊的要求被任命为海军部长,11个月后,康纳利辞职竞选德克萨斯州州长,约翰逊说服肯尼迪提名他的另一位德克萨斯朋友弗雷德 · 科斯。

Johnson’s privileged control over the Navy is an important aspect of the case because the Navy was critical in the setting up and in the cover-up of the plot. First, contrary to a widespread but erroneous belief, Lee Harvey Oswald had been recruited by the Navy and not by the CIA. He was a Marine, and as a Marine he had worked for the Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI). Secondly, it is at the Naval Hospital in Washington, under the control of Navy officers, that Kennedy’s autopsy was performed, after his body had been literally stolen at gunpoint from Parkland Hospital in Dallas. The report of this autopsy stated that the fatal bullet had entered the back of Kennedy’s skull, which contradicted the testimonies of twenty-one members of the Dallas hospital staff who saw two entry bullet-wounds on the front of Kennedy’s body. This was critical because Oswald was presumably shooting from behind Kennedy, and could not possibly have caused these bullet wounds.

约翰逊对海军的特权控制是此案的一个重要方面,因为海军在策划和掩盖阴谋中发挥了关键作用。
首先,与一个普遍但错误的观点相反,李·哈维·奥斯瓦尔德是被海军而不是中央情报局招募的。
他是一名海军陆战队员,作为一名海军陆战队员,他曾在海军情报局工作。
其次,肯尼迪的尸检是在海军军官控制下的华盛顿海军医院进行的,当时他的尸体在达拉斯帕克兰医院的枪口下被偷走的。
这份验尸报告说,致命的子弹射入了肯尼迪的后脑,这与达拉斯医院21名工作人员的证词相矛盾,他们看到肯尼迪身体前部有两处子弹射入的伤口。
这是至关重要的一点,因为奥斯瓦尔德如果是从肯尼迪身后射击,是不可能造成这些枪伤的。

It is noteworthy that Johnson had actually taken advantage of his connections in the Navy to participate in the greatest corruption case ever recorded at that time. His accomplice Fred Korth was forced to resign as Navy Secretary in November 1963, only weeks before the Dallas coup, after the Justice Department headed by Robert Kennedy had implicated him in a fraud involving a $7 billion contract for the construction of 1,700 TFX military aircraft by General Dynamics, a Texan company. Johnson’s personal secretary, Bobby Baker, was charged in the same case.

值得注意的是,约翰逊利用他在海军的关系参与了当时有记录以来最大的腐败案件。
他的同伙弗雷德科思在1963年11月被迫辞去海军部长的职务,就在达拉斯政变发生前几周,由罗伯特·肯尼迪领导的司法部将他牵扯进了一起欺诈案,这起案件涉及德克萨斯州的一家公司----通用动力公司,其建造1700架 TFX 军用飞机,合同价值70亿美元,约翰逊的私人秘书博比 · 贝克也在同一起案件中受到指控。

Because of this mounting scandal and other suspicions of corruption, Kennedy was determined to change Vice-President for his upcoming reelection campaign.[46] While in Dallas the day before the President’s visit, Nixon publicized the rumor of Johnson’s removal, and the Dallas Morning News was reporting on November 22nd: “Nixon Predicts JFK May Drop Johnson.” Instead, Johnson became president that very day.

鉴于这桩丑闻和其他腐败嫌疑,肯尼迪决定更换副总统,参加即将到来的连任竞选。 [46]
在总统访问的前一天,总统来访的前一天,尼克松在达拉斯发布了约翰逊被解职的消息,11月22日的《达拉斯晨报》报道:“ 尼克松预测肯尼迪可能会抛弃约翰逊。”——然而,就在那一天,约翰逊成为了总统。

Many Americans immediately suspected Johnson’s involvement in the Dallas coup, especially after the publication in 1964 of a book by James Evetts Haley, A Texan Looks at Lyndon, which portrayed Johnson as deeply corrupt. According to his biographer Robert Caro, Johnson was a man thirsting “for power in its most naked form, for power not to improve the lives of others, but to manipulate and dominate them, to bend them to his will.”[47]

许多美国人立即怀疑约翰逊参与了达拉斯政变,尤其是在詹姆斯 · 埃弗雷特1964年出版的《一个德克萨斯人如何看待林登约翰逊》一书中将约翰逊描绘成一个极度腐败的人之后。
根据他的传记作家罗伯特 · 卡罗的说法,约翰逊是一个渴望“以最赤裸裸的形式获得权力的人,渴望权力不是为了改善别人的生活,而是为了操纵和支配他们,使他们屈从于他的意志。” [47]

The evidence incriminating Johnson does not conflict with the evidence against Israel, quite the contrary. First, both trails converge in the person of Jack Ruby, whom Nixon identified a one of “Johnson’s boys,” according to former Nixon operative Roger Stone.[48] The hypothesis that Ruby acted on Johnson’s orders is a likely explanation for some of his odd statements to the Warren Commission:

指控约翰逊有罪的证据与指控以色列的证据并不冲突,恰恰相反。 首先,两条线索都聚集在杰克 · 鲁比身上,据尼克松的前特工罗杰斯通说,尼克松认出了他是“约翰逊的手下” 。 [48]
鲁比服从约翰逊的命令这一假设可能是他向沃伦委员会提出的一些奇怪陈述的一个解释:

“If you don’t take me back to Washington tonight to give me a chance to prove to the President that I am not guilty, then you will see the most tragic thing that will ever happen.” “There will be a certain tragic occurrence happening if you don’t take my testimony and somehow vindicate me so my people don’t suffer because of what I have done.”

“如果你们今晚不把我带回华盛顿,给我一个机会向总统证明我是无罪的,那么你们将看到有史以来最悲惨的事情发生。” “如果你不采纳我的证词,并以某种方式为我辩护,让我的人民不因我的所作所为而遭受痛苦,那么某种悲剧就会发生。”



A Crypto-Zionist president?
Ruby is not the only lix between Johnson and Israel, far from it. In truth, Johnson had always been Israel’s man. His electoral campaigns had been funded since 1948 by Zionist financier Abraham Feinberg, who happened to be president of the Americans for Haganah Incorporated, which raised money for the Jewish militia. It is the same Feinberg who, after the Democratic primaries in 1960, made the following proposal to Kennedy, as Kennedy himself later reported to his friend Charles Bartlett: “We know your campaign is in trouble. We’re willing to pay your bills if you’ll let us have control of your Middle East policy.” Bartlett recalls that Kennedy was deeply upset and swore that, “if he ever did get to be President, he was going to do something about it.”[51]

一个秘密的犹太复国主义总统?
鲁比并不是约翰逊和以色列之间的唯一联系,远非如此。
事实上,约翰逊一直是以色列的人,自1948年以来,他的竞选活动一直得到犹太复国主义金融家亚伯拉罕 · 范伯格的资助,范伯格碰巧是哈加纳美国公司的总裁,该公司为犹太民兵筹集资金。
正是这个范伯格,在1960年民主党初选后,向肯尼迪提出了如下建议,正如肯尼迪本人后来向他的朋友查尔斯 · 巴特利特报告的那样: “我们知道你的竞选遇到了麻烦,如果你们让我们控制你们的中东政策,我们愿意为你们买单。” 巴特利特回忆说,肯尼迪当时非常沮丧,并发誓说,“如果他能当上总统,他一定会采取行动。” [51]

It is on record, thanks to Kennedy insider Arthur Schlesinger (A Thousand Days: John Kennedy in the White House, 1965), that the two men who convinced Kennedy to take Johnson as his running mate, were Philip Graham and Joseph Alsop, respectively publisher and columnist of the Washington Post, and strong supporters of Israel.[52] Schlesinger doesn’t reveal Graham and Alsop’s arguments, and states that Kennedy’s final decision “defies historical reconstruction”—a curious statement for a historian so well informed on the topic. But Evelyn Lincoln, Kennedy’s personal secretary for twelve years, had her own idea about it. She believed that Kennedy was blackmailed with proofs of his many infidelities to his wife: “Jack knew that Hoover and LBJ would just fill the air with womanizing.” Whatever the details of the blackmail, Kennedy once confided to his assistant Hyman Raskin, as an apology for taking Johnson, “I was left with no choice […] those bastards were trying to frx me. They threatened me with problems and I don’t need more problems.”[53]

多亏肯尼迪内部人士阿瑟 · 施莱辛格(《一千天: 约翰 · 肯尼迪在白宫,1965年》,说服肯尼迪选择约翰逊为竞选伙伴的两个人分别是《华盛顿邮报》的出版人和专栏作家菲利普 · 格雷厄姆和约瑟夫奥尔索普 。 [52]
施莱辛格没有透露格雷厄姆和奥尔索普的论点,并声称肯尼迪的最终决定“违背了历史重建”——对于一个对这个话题了如指掌的历史学家来说,这是一种奇怪的说法。
但作为肯尼迪12年的私人秘书,伊夫林 · 林肯对此有自己的看法,她相信肯尼迪是被人用他对妻子多次不忠的证据敲诈勒索了: “杰克知道胡佛和林登 · 贝恩斯 · 约翰逊只会让空气中充满女色。”
无论敲诈的细节如何,肯尼迪曾向他的助手海曼 · 拉斯金透露,作为对带走约翰逊的道歉,“我别无选择... ... 那些混蛋想陷害我,他们用这些问题威胁我,我不需要更多的问题。” [53]

In 2013, Associated Press reported about newly released tapes from Johnson’s White House office showing LBJ’s “personal and often emotional connection to Israel,” and pointed out that under Johnson, “the United States became Israel’s chief diplomatic ally and primary arms supplier.” An article from the 5 Towns Jewish Times “Our First Jewish President Lyndon Johnson?” recalls Johnson’s continuous support of Jews and Israel in the 1940s and 50s, and concludes: “President Johnson firmly pointed American policy in a pro-Israel direction.” The article also mentions that, “research into Johnson’s personal history indicates that he inherited his concern for the Jewish people from his family. His aunt Jessie Johnson Hatcher, a major influence on LBJ, was a member of the Zionist Organization of America.” And, in an additional note: “The line of Jewish mothers can be traced back three generations in Lyndon Johnson’s family tree. There is little doubt that he was Jewish.”[54]

2013年,美联社报道了约翰逊白宫办公室新近公布的一些录音带,其中显示约翰逊“与以色列有着个人的、往往是情感上的联系” ,并指出,在约翰逊的领导下,“美国成为了以色列的主要外交盟友和主要武器供应国。”
犹太时报的一篇文章《 我们的第一位犹太总统林登 · 约翰逊?》 回顾了约翰逊在20世纪40年代和50年代对犹太人和以色列的持续支持,并总结道: “约翰逊总统坚定地将美国的政策指向亲以色列的方向。”
文章还提到,“ 对约翰逊个人历史的研究表明,他从家庭中继承了对犹太人的关心, 他的姑姑杰西 · 约翰逊 · 海切尔是美国犹太复国主义组织的成员,对林登 · 约翰逊有重大影响。”
另外,还有一条注释:“犹太母亲的血统可以追溯到林登 · 约翰逊的家谱中的三代人,毫无疑问,他是犹太人。” [54]

Whatever was the reason of Johnson’s loyalty to Israel, it is a fact that, thanks to Johnson, Israel could continue its military nuclear program undisturbed, and acquire its first atomic bomb around 1965. Historian Stephen Green writes: “Lyndon Johnson’s White House saw no Dimona, heard no Dimona, and spoke no Dimona when the reactor went critical in early 1964.”[55]

不管约翰逊忠于以色列的原因是什么,事实是,多亏了约翰逊,以色列可以继续不受干扰地进行其军事核计划,并在1965年左右获得其第一颗原子弹。
历史学家斯蒂芬 · 格林写道: “1964年初,当反应堆达到临界状态时,林登 · 约翰逊的白宫看不到迪莫纳核基地,也没有听过迪莫纳核基地,没有人说起迪莫纳核基地。” [55]

Thanks to JFK’s death, Israel was also able to carry out its plan to annex Palestinian territories beyond the boundaries imposed by the United Nations Partition plan. By leaning on Pentagon and CIA hawks, Johnson intensified the Cold War and created the climate of tension which Israel needed in order to demonize Egyptian president Nasser and reinforce its own stature as indispensable ally in the Middle East.

由于肯尼迪的去世,以色列也得以实施其吞并联合国分治计划划定边界以外巴勒斯坦领土的计划。
约翰逊依靠五角大楼和中央情报局的鹰派人物,加剧了冷战,制造了紧张气氛,以色列需要这种气氛来妖魔化埃及总统纳赛尔,巩固自己作为中东地区不可或缺的盟友的地位。

During the Six Day War of 1967, Israel managed to triple its territory, while creating the illusion of acting in legitimate defense. The lie could not deceive American Intelligence agencies, but Johnson had given a green light to Israel’s attack, and even authorized James Angleton of the CIA to give Israel the precise positions of the Egyptian air bases, which enabled Israel to destroy them in just a few hours.

在1967年的六日战争中,以色列设法将其领土扩大了三倍,同时制造了合法防御的假象。
这个谎言骗不了美国情报机构,但约翰逊为以色列的袭击开了绿灯,甚至授权中央情报局的詹姆斯 · 安格尔顿向以色列提供埃及空军基地的确切位置,这使以色列能够在几个小时内摧毁它们。

Four days after the start of the Israeli attack, Nasser accepted the ceasefire request from the UN Security Council. It was too soon for Israel, which had not yet achieved all its territorial obxtives. On June 8, 1967, the USS Liberty, a NSA spy ship stationed in international waters off Sinai, was bombed, strafed and torpedoed during 75 minutes by Israeli Mirage jets and three torpedo boats, with the obvious intention of sinking it without leaving any survivors. (Even the rescue channels were machine-gunned.) Meanwhile, Johnson, from the White House, intervened personally to prohibit the nearby Sixth Fleet from rescuing the USS Liberty after the crew, despite the initial destruction of its transmitters, had managed to send off an SOS.

以色列发动袭击四天后,纳赛尔接受了联合国安理会的停火请求。
以色列还没有实现其所有的领土目标,这对以色列来说为时尚早,1967年6月8日,驻扎在西奈半岛附近国际水域的美国国家安全局间谍船“自由号”在75分钟内遭到以色列幻影战斗机和三艘鱼雷艇的轰炸、扫射和鱼雷袭击,显然是为了让它沉没而不留下任何幸存者。 ( 甚至连救援通道都被机枪扫射)
尽管其发射器最初已被摧毁,但船上人员仍设法发出了求救信号,与此同时,来自白宫的约翰逊亲自干预,禁止附近的第六舰队营救美国自由号间谍船。

The attack would have been blamed on Egypt if it had succeeded, that is, if the ship had sunk and its crew had all died. The operation would then have given Johnson a pretext for interveening on the side of Israel against Egypt.

如果袭击成功了,也就是说,如果船只沉没,船员全部遇难,那么这次袭击就会被归咎于埃及,这样一来,约翰逊就有借口站在以色列一边对抗埃及。

But it failed. The USS Liberty affair was suppressed by a commission of inquiry headed by Admiral John Sidney McCain II, Commander-in-Chief of US Naval Forces in Europe (and Father of Arizona Senator John McCain III). Johnson accepted Israel’s spurious “targeting error” explanation. In January 1968 he invited the Israeli Prime Minister, Levi Eshkol, to Washington, and warmly welcomed him to his Texas ranch. What’s more, Johnson rewarded Israel by lifting the embargo on offensive military equipment: US-made tanks and aircraft immediately flowed to Tel Aviv.
This failed false flag attack is evidence of the secret complicity of Johnson and Israel, implying high treason on the part of Johnson.

但它失败了。
美国海军上将约翰·麦凯恩二世领导的一个调查委员会压制了自由号事件,他美国驻欧洲海军部队的总司令,也是亚利桑那州参议员约翰·麦凯恩二世的父亲。
约翰逊接受了以色列虚假的“ 判断错误”的解释。
1968年1月,他邀请以色列总理列维 · 埃什科尔访问华盛顿,并热烈欢迎他来到他在德克萨斯的牧场。
更重要的是,约翰逊为了奖励以色列,解除了对进攻性军事装备的禁运:美国制造的坦克和飞机立即开往特拉维夫。
这次失败虚旗攻击是约翰逊和以色列秘密共谋的证据,暗示约翰逊的叛国行为。

Conclusion
Let’s now conclude our overview of the evidence: beside the fact that John and Robert were brothers, their assassinations have at least two things in common: Lyndon Johnson and Israel.

总结
现在让我们总结一下证据:
除了约翰(肯尼迪)和罗伯特(肯尼迪)是兄弟这一事实,他们的暗杀至少有两个共同点: 林登 · 约翰逊和以色列。

First, their deaths are precisely frxd by Johnson’s presidency, which was also the context for other political assassinations, such as Martin-Luther King’s. Johnson was in control of the State during the two investigations on John and Robert’s murders.

首先,他们的死恰恰是约翰逊总统任期的结果,这也是其他政治暗杀的背景,比如马丁-路德-金的暗杀,在对约翰和罗伯特的谋杀案进行的两次调查中,约翰逊控制着联邦政府。



What should have been obvious from the start now appears brightly clear: in order to solve the mystery of the assassination of John Kennedy, one has simply to look into the two other assassinations which are connected to it: the assassination of Lee Harvey Oswald, the man whose trial could have exposed the hoax and possibly put the plotters into the light, and the assassination of Robert Kennedy, the man who would have reopened the case if he had lived. And both these assassinations bear the signature of Israel.

从一开始就应该是显而易见的事情现在变得清晰起来:
为了解开约翰·肯尼迪被暗杀的谜团,我们只需要简单地调查与此有关的另外两起暗杀事件:
李·哈维·奥斯瓦尔德被暗杀事件,这个人的审判本可以揭露这个恶作剧并可能揭露阴谋者,以及罗伯特 · 肯尼迪被暗杀事件,如果他还活着,这个事件就会被重新调查,这两起暗杀事件都有以色列的痕迹。

At his death in 1968, Robert Kennedy left eleven orphans, not counting John’s two children, whom he had somewhat adopted. John’s son, John F. Kennedy Jr., aka John John, who had turned three the day of his father’s funeral, embodied the Kennedy myth in the heart of all Americans. The route seemed traced for him to become president one day. He died on July 16, 1999, with his pregnant wife and his sister-in-law, when his private plane suddenly and mysteriously nose-dived into the ocean a few seconds after he had announced his landing on the Kennedy property in Massachusetts.

1968年去世时,罗伯特·肯尼迪留下了十一个孤儿,这还不包括他收养的两个孩子。
约翰 · 肯尼迪的儿子,小约翰 · 肯尼迪,在他父亲葬礼的那天刚满3岁,他在所有美国人的心中代表了肯尼迪传奇的延续,这条线似乎可能帮助他有朝一日成为总统。
但1999年7月16日,他与怀孕的妻子和嫂子一同死去,他的私人飞机在即将降落在马萨诸塞州肯尼迪家族的土地上后几秒钟,突然神秘地一头扎进了海里。

John John had long been portrayed as a superficial, spoiled and harmless young man. But that image was as misleading as young Halmet’s in Shakespeare’s play. John had serious interest in mind, and, at age 39, he was just entering politics. In 1995 he founded George magazine, which seemed harmless until it began to take an interest in political assassinations. In March 1997, George published a 13-page article by the mother of Yigal Amir, the convicted assassin of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. The article was supporting the thesis of a conspiracy by the Israeli far-right. So JFK Jr. was eliminated while following in the footsteps of his father, entering politics through the door of journalism and taking an interest in the crimes of the Israeli deep state. Canadian-Israeli journalist Barry Chamish believes John Kennedy Jr. was assassinated precisely for that.[56]

小约翰 · 肯尼迪长期以来一直被描绘成一个肤浅的、被宠坏的、无害的年轻人。
但是这个形象就像年轻的哈姆雷特在莎士比亚戏剧中的形象一样具有误导性,约翰心中有着浓厚的兴趣,39岁时,他刚刚进入政坛。
1995年,他创办了《乔治》杂志,这本杂志在开始对政治暗杀感兴趣之前似乎是无害的。
1997年3月,《乔治》发表了一篇13页的文章,作者是杀害以色列总理伊扎克 · 拉宾的杀手伊加勒 · 埃米尔的母亲,这篇文章支持以色列极右势力的阴谋论。
小约翰 · 肯尼迪在追随父亲的脚步,通过新闻业进入政界,对以色列“暗深势力集团”的罪行感兴趣时被清除掉了,加拿大裔以色列记者巴里·查米什认为,小约翰·肯尼迪被暗杀正是为了这个原因。[56]

The nonsensical notion of a mysterious curse on the Kennedy family is an obvious smoke screen. The unsolved murders of JFK and his two legitimate heirs—his younger brother and his only son—require a more rational explanation. The sense that the official stories about their deaths amount to a huge cover-up is obsessing the American psyche, a bit like a repressed family secret affecting the whole personality from a subconscious level.

肯尼迪家族遭受神秘诅咒这一荒谬说法是一个明显的障眼法。
肯尼迪和他的两个合法继承人——他的弟弟和他唯一的儿子——的谋杀案仍未破案,这需要一个更合理的解释。
官方关于他们死亡的故事是一种巨大的掩盖,这种感觉正困扰着美国人的心灵,像一个压抑的家族秘密,从潜意识层面影响着整个美国人的人格。

President John Kennedy and his brother are heroic, almost Christ-like figures, in the heart of a growing community of citizens who have become aware of the disastrous longtime effect of their assassinations. Only when the American public at large come to grips with the truth of their deaths and honor their legacy and sacrifice will America have a chance to be redeemed and be great again.

在越来越多的美国公民心中,美国总统约翰肯尼迪和他的兄弟是英雄般的人物,是基督式的人物,他们已经意识到暗杀行为长期以来造成的灾难性后果。
只有当全体美国公众正视他们死亡的真相,尊重他们的遗产和牺牲,美国才有机会被救赎,重新变得伟大。

Laurent Guyénot is the author of From Yahweh to Zion: Jealous God, Chosen People, Promised Land … Clash of Civilizations, 2018.

本文作者 Laurent Guyénot 是《从耶和华到锡安:嫉妒的上帝,上帝选民,应许之地,文明的冲突》(2018年)一书的作者。