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The Orientalism of Western Russophobia

西方的俄罗斯恐惧症



Last year marked the 40th anniversary of the publication of Edward W. Said’s pioneering book, Orientalism, as well as fifteen years since the Palestinian-American intellectual’s passing. To bid farewell to such an important scholar shortly after the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq, which Said fiercely criticized until his dying breath before succumbing to leukemia, made an already tremendous loss that much more impactful.

去年是爱德华·w·赛义德开创性的著作《东方主义》出版40周年,也是这位巴勒斯坦裔美国知识分子去世15周年。在2003年美国入侵伊拉克后不久,这位伟大的学者就告别了这个世界。他在死于白血病之前一直受到猛烈抨击。

His seminal text forever reoriented political discourse by painstakingly examining the overlooked cultural imperialism of colonial history in the West’s construction of the so-called Orient. Said meticulously interrogated the Other-ing of the non-Western world in the humanities, arts, and anthropology down to its minutiae. As a result, the West was forced to confront not just its economic and political plunder but the long-established cultural biases filtering the lens through which it viewed the East which shaped its dominion over it.

他煞费苦心研究被西方帝国主义殖民史观忽视的东方,他开创性的研究成果永远重新定义了东方。赛义德一丝不苟地追问非西方世界在人文、艺术和人类学的方方面面,直至其细枝末节。结果西方被迫承认不仅存在经济政治掠夺,还有长期存在的对外文化偏见,这些偏见过滤了西方看待东方的视角,从而形成了对东方的文化统治。



If a comparison between the 2001 attacks that killed nearly 3,000 Americans and the still unproven allegations of Russian meddling seems outrageous, it is precisely such an analogy that has been made by Russiagate’s own biggest proponents, from neoconservative columnist Max Boot to Hillary Clinton herself. Truthfully, it is the climate of hysteria and dumbing down of discourse to such rigid dichotomies following both events where a real similarity can be drawn. The ‘with us or against us’ chasm that followed 9/11 has reemerged in the ‘either/or’ post-election polarity of the Trump era whereby all debate within the Overton window is pigeonholed into a ‘pro vs. anti-Trump’ or ‘pro vs. anti-Russia’ false dilemma. It is even perpetrated by some on the far left, e.g. if one critiques corporate media or Russiagate, they are grouped as ‘pro-Trump’ or ‘pro-Putin’ no matter their political orientation. This dangerous atmosphere is feeding an unprecedented wave of censorship of dissenting voices across the spectrum.

如果将2001年造成近3000名美国人丧生的袭击事件与俄罗斯干预美国大选的指控进行比较,这似乎令人无法容忍。那么从新保守派专栏作家马克斯·布特到希拉里·克林顿本人,亲俄门的最大支持者们恰恰做出了这样的类比。说实话,这非常歇斯底里。在这两件事发生后,舆论被如此死板地划分为两方面。 9/11之后“支持我们还是反对我们”的抉择在特朗普时代“非此即彼”的当选宣言中重新出现。奥弗顿窗口内的所有辩论都被归类为一个“支持还是反对特朗普”或“支持还是反对俄罗斯”的错误困境。这本该只是一些极左分子所为。例如,如果有人批评企业媒体或俄罗斯政府,不管他们的政治取向如何,他们都被归为“支持特朗普”或“支持普京”。这种危险氛围正引发一股前所未有的审查浪潮,重新审查不同领域的异见人士。

In his final years, not only did Edward Said condemn the Bush administration but highlighted how corporate media was using bigoted tropes in its representations of Arabs and Muslims to justify U.S. foreign policy. Even though it has gone mostly undetected, the neo-McCarthyist frenzy following the election has produced a similar travesty of caricatures depicting Russia and Vladimir Putin. One such egregious example was a July 2018 article in the Wall Street Journal entitled “Russia’s Turn to Its Asian Past” featuring an illustration portraying Vladimir Putin as Genghis Khan. The racist image and headline suggested that Russia is somehow inherently autocratic because of its past occupation under the Mongol Empire during its conquest of Eastern Europe and the Kievan Rus state in the 13th century. In a conceptual revival of the Eurocentric trope of Asiatic or Oriental despotism, the hint is that past race-mixing is where Russia inherited this tyrannical trait. When the cover story appeared, there was virtually no outcry due to the post-election delirium and everyday fear-mongering about Russia that is now commonplace in the media.

在他生命的最后几年里,赛义德不仅谴责布什政府,而且强调了媒体在描述阿拉伯人和穆斯林时是如何使用偏执的比喻来为美国的外交政策辩护的。尽管大选后的新麦卡锡主义狂潮几乎未被察觉,但他对描绘俄罗斯和弗拉基米尔·普京的漫画也发出了类似的嘲讽。2018年7月,《华尔街日报》刊登了一篇题为《俄罗斯转向亚洲的历史》文章,其中一幅插图将弗拉基米尔·普京描绘成成吉思汗。这一种族主义形象和标题表明俄罗斯在某种程度上天生就是专制的,因为它在13世纪征服东欧和基辅罗斯时曾被蒙古帝国占领。在欧洲中心主义对亚洲或东方专制主义的概念中,有迹象表明过去种族融合塑造出的俄罗斯继承了这种专制特征。当封面故事出现俄罗斯时,由于选举后的狂热和如今媒体上司空见惯关于俄罗斯的每日恐慌性宣传,几乎没有引起任何抗议。



“But as far as our being intimate allies, trusting buds with the Russians that is just not going to happen. It is in their genes to be opposed, diametrically opposed, to the United States and to Western democracies.”

但就我们的亲密盟友而言,相信俄罗斯人是不可能的。他们的基因决定了他们要与美国和西方民主国家对立,完全对立。”

The post-election mass Trump derangement has not only enabled wild accusations of treason to be made without sufficient evidence to support them, but such uninhibited xenophobic remarks to go without notice or disapproval.

特朗普在大选后的疯狂举动,不仅让人们在没有足够证据支持叛国指控的情况下就对这种肆无忌惮的排外言论视而不见,也不予以注意或反对。

In fact, liberals have seemingly abandoned their supposed progressive credence across the board while suffering from their anti-Russia neurological disorder. In an exemplar of yellow journalism, outlets like NBC News published sensational articles alleging that because of the perceived ingratiation between Trump and Putin, there was an increase in Russian ‘birth tourism’ in the United States. More commonly known by the pejorative ‘anchor babies’, birth tourism is the false claim that many immigrants travel to countries for the purpose of having children in order to obtain citizenship. While there may be individual cases, the idea that it is an epidemic is a complete myth — the vast majority of immigration is motivated by labor demands and changes in political or socio-economic factors in their native countries, whether it is from the global south or Eastern Europe. Trump has been rightfully criticized for promoting this falsehood regarding undocumented immigrants and his executive orders targeting birthright citizenship, but it appears liberals are willing to unfairly apply this same fallacy toward Russians for political reasons.

事实上自由派人士似乎已经全面放弃了他们所谓的进步信念,同时还患上了反俄神经紊乱症。美国全国广播公司等媒体发表了耸人听闻的文章,称由于特朗普和普京之间的私交,俄罗斯在美国的“生育旅游”有所增加。这只是系列黄色新闻的一个例子。“生育旅游”通常被贬称为“穿锚婴儿”,这是一种错误说法,认为许多移民到其他国家是为了生孩子以获得公民身份。尽管可能存在个别案例,但认为这是一种流行病的观点完全是无稽之谈——绝大多数移民的动机是劳动力需求和本国政治或社会经济因素变化,无论是来自全球南欧还是东欧。特朗普因宣扬这种关于非法移民的谎言和他针对出生公民权的行政命令而受到了批评,但似乎出于政治原因自由派人士执意不公平地将同样的谬论应用于俄罗斯人。

In order to make sense of the current groupthink hysteria towards Moscow, it must be understood in its context as an extension of the ongoing doctoring of history regarding U.S.-Russia relations since the Cold War. Americans living within the empire are proselytized into a glorified and nationalist version of their entire background, beginning with merchants and explorers ‘discovering’ the continent and the whitewashing of indigenous genocide. This imaginary narrative includes the version of WWII taught in U.S. schools and the arms race with the Soviet unx that followed. The West presents an entirely Anglospheric perspective of the war starting with its very chronology. For example, it is said that the conflict ‘officially’ began with the September 1st, 1939 invasion of Poland by Nazi Germany. This mythology immediately frxs the war from an Eurocentric viewpoint by separating the Sino-Japanese war that was already underway as the Pacific Ocean theater began long before the ‘surprise’ Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941 and U.S. entry into the conflict.

为了理解当前对莫斯科歇斯底里的集体恐惧症,我们必须将其理解为是美国自冷战以来一直进行的对美俄历史关系篡改的延伸。居住在帝国内部的美国人被灌输了一种被美化的民族主义观念,这是他们整个历史背景的一个版本,从商人和探险家“发现”这块大陆到粉饰土著种族灭绝开始。这个虚构的故事包括了美国学校中教授的二战历史以及随后与苏联的军备竞赛。西方对这场战争的看法完全是盎格鲁萨克逊人视角的,从它的年代开始。例如据说这场冲突“正式”始于1939年9月1日纳粹德国入侵波兰。但在1941年日本偷袭珍珠港和美国参战之前,中日战争早就已经在太平洋开始了。



The Germans did not hold the same hatred for the West that it reserved for the Russians. In fact, the Führer personally admired the U.S. so much for the extermination of its natives that he named his armored private train ‘Amerika’, a mobile version of the Wolf’s Lair. The Nuremberg race statutes were partly inspired by Jim Crow segregation laws in the U.S. and many of the defendants at the Nuremberg trials tried to excuse their atrocities by arguing the similarity between Nazi race theories and the eugenicist movement which actually originated in the United States. Auschwitz physician Josef Mengele was even previously employed as an assistant to the head of the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute of Anthropology, Human Heredity, and Eugenics institute that was funded by the Rockefeller Foundation.

德国人对西方的仇恨并不像对俄国人那样强烈。事实上,元首本人非常欣赏美国对原住民的灭绝,他把自己的装甲私人火车命名为“Amerika”,这是狼窝的移动版本(译注:希特勒的老巢)。纽伦堡种族法的部分灵感来自美国的种族隔离法,纽伦堡审判的许多被告试图为他们的暴行开脱,他们辩称纳粹种族理论与实际上起源于美国的优生学运动。奥斯威辛的医生约瑟夫·蒙格莱甚至曾担任凯撒·威廉人类学、人类遗传和优生学研究所所长助理,该研究所由洛克菲勒基金会资助。



Hitler also preferred an attack on the Soviets over an invasion of Britain because of the eugenics of Lebensraum. Nazi Germany, like Britain and France, was really an imperial settler colonialist state and Hitler viewed the Slav inhabitants of the USSR as ethnically inferior to the ‘master race.’ The Molotov-Ribbentrop pact had been a strategic move to buy time for the Soviets in preparation for a German onslaught, at the time the most powerful military power in the world.

由于勒本斯劳姆的优生学,希特勒更喜欢进攻苏联而不是入侵英国。纳粹德国,像英国和法国一样实际上是一个殖民主义帝国,希特勒认为苏联的斯拉夫居民在种族上劣于“优等民族”。《苏德互不侵犯条约》是一项战略举措,目的是为苏联赢得时间,为德国的进攻做准备。当时德国是世界上最强大的军事力量。

Britain and France had rebuffed Stalin’s efforts to form an alliance in 1938, leaving the USSR no choice but to sign a non-aggression pact with Germany, knowing full well it was only a matter of time until Hitler would eventually embark on his Masterplan for the East. Operation Barbarossa in June 1941 broke the agreement and the German dictator ultimately sealed his own fate. Although the Soviets were victorious, the slaughter that proceeded it had no parallel in human history as 27 million citizens would lose their lives in the fight compared to less than half a million Americans. Even worse, the West has made a mockery of this sacrifice with their refusal to fully acknowledge the USSR’s contribution despite the fact that they did the vast majority of the fighting and dying while 80% of all German casualties were on the Eastern Front.

1938年英法两国拒绝了斯大林的结盟努力,苏联别无选择只能与德国签署互不侵犯条约。两国深知希特勒最终开始实施他的东方战略规划只是时间问题。1941年6月德国发起的巴巴罗萨行动撕毁了两国协议,这位德国独.裁者最终决定了自己的命运。尽管苏军取得了胜利,但这场屠杀在人类历史上是绝无仅有的,2700万公民将在这场战斗中丧生,而美国的阵亡人数不到50万。更糟糕的是西方嘲讽这种牺牲,他们完全拒绝承认苏联的贡献,尽管事实上绝大多数战斗和牺牲都是苏联做出的,而且80%的德军伤亡都发生在东线战场。



Then, just a day prior to newly inaugurated President Truman’s meeting with Stalin at the Potsdam Conference in July, the U.S. army and Project Y successfully detonated a nuclear weapon for the first time with the Trinity test as part of the expensive Manhattan Project. After his face-to-face with Truman at Potsdam, whom everyone agrees at least hinted to Stalin of the new U.S. weaponry, the Soviet premier suspected the new U.S. leader would go back on the previous agreement at Yalta with Roosevelt that included compromises with the USSR in the Pacific.

然后,7月新上任的杜鲁门总统在波茨坦会议上与斯大林会晤的前一天,美国军队的Y计划成功引爆了核武器,这次试验是耗资巨大的曼哈顿计划的一部分。在波茨坦会晤杜鲁门后,这位前苏联总理怀疑,这位美国新领导人将会背弃之前与罗斯福在雅尔塔达成的协议,其中包括与苏联在太平洋地区达成的妥协。

The ugly truth is that the U.S. was well aware that the Japanese were willing to conditionally surrender on the basis of immunity for Emperor Hirohito. However, the U.S. secretly wanted to achieve an Allied victory ideally without Soviet participation so it could demonstrate its exclusive nuclear capability in order to dominate the post-war order. Japan didn’t relinquish following the first bombing of Hiroshima but the second, Nagasaki, three days later — both of which mostly impacted civilians, not its military. What else happened on August 9th, 1945? The Soviet unx declared war on Japan upon realizing that the U.S. was backtracking on its pledge with the underhanded use of ‘Fat Man and Little Boy’ that instantly killed more than 200,000 civilians. The timing gave the appearance that the bomb resulted in the surrender when it was the Soviet invasion of occupied Manchuria in the north against Japan’s military stronghold that was the real tipping point which led to an unconditional acceptance of defeat.

丑陋的事实是,美国很清楚日本愿意在裕仁天皇享有豁免权的基础上有条件地投降。然而,美国暗地里想要在没有苏联参与的情况下取得一场理想的盟军胜利,这样它就可以展示其独有的核能力以主导战后秩序。对广岛第一次轰炸后日本并没有投降,在三天后对长崎进行的第二次轰炸后投降了——这两次轰炸受害的主要是平民,而不是日本军队。1945年8月9日还发生了什么?苏联意识到美国正在背弃其承诺,暗中使用“胖子和小男孩”导致20多万平民当场死亡,于是对日本宣战。从时间上看原子弹导致了日本投降,当时苏联入侵北方被占领的满洲攻打日本军事要塞,这才是导致日本无条件接受失败的真正转折点。

According to the Western narrative, the Cold War only began following Winston Churchill’s invitation to the U.S. by Truman after being surprisingly voted out of office in 1946. At Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri, hegave a speech entitled “Sinews of Peace”, widely known as the Iron Curtain speech, where he condemned Soviet policies in Europe and popularized the moniker for the boundary dividing the continent after the war:

根据西方的说法,冷战是在1946年杜鲁门出人意料地将温斯顿·丘吉尔请到美国访问之后才开始的。在密苏里州富尔顿的威斯敏斯特学院,他发表了一篇题为《和平的力量》的演讲,也就是广为人知的铁幕演讲。在演讲中他谴责了苏联在欧洲的政策,并将战后划分欧洲大陆边界的宣言推广开来:

“From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an “iron curtain” has descended across the continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia; all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject, in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and in some cases increasing measure of control from Moscow.”

从波罗的海的斯特丁到亚得里亚海的里雅斯特,一幅“铁幕”笼罩了整个欧洲大陆。在这条铁幕的后面是中欧和东欧古国的所有首都。华沙、柏林、布拉格、维也纳、布达佩斯、贝尔格莱德、布加勒斯特和索非亚;所有这些著名的城市及其周围的人口都处在我称之为苏联的势力范围内,所有这些城市都以这样或那样的形式受到苏联的影响,而且在某种程度上受到莫斯科越来越广泛的控制。”



Although the term ‘iron curtain’ predates Cold War usage to describe various barriers political or otherwise, what is not commonly known is that Churchill likely appropriated the term from its originator, none other than the German Minister of Propaganda Joseph Goebbels himself, who used it in reference to the Soviet unx. In February 1945, he wrote in Das Reich newspaper:

虽然“铁幕”一词早于冷战政治前就出现,用来描述各种障碍。首倡这种说法的可能不是丘吉尔,而是德国宣传部长约瑟夫·戈培尔在对苏联的描述中首次引用。1945年2月他在《帝国报》上写道:

“If the German people lay down their weapons, the Soviets, according to the agreement between Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin, would occupy all of East and Southeast Europe along with the greater part of the Reich. An iron curtain would fall over this enormous territory controlled by the Soviet unx, behind which nations would be slaughtered.”

如果德国人民放下武器,根据罗斯福、丘吉尔和斯大林之间的协议,苏联将占领整个东欧和东南欧以及德意志帝国的大部分地区。在这片由苏联控制的巨大土地上铁幕将会落下,在这片土地后面的国家将会被屠杀。”

The ‘Nazi megaphone’ himself may have gotten the term from the Wehrmacht propaganda publication Signal which in 1943 published an article entitled “Behind the Iron Curtain” that described:

“纳粹扩音器”这个词可能来自德国国防军的宣传刊物《信号》。1943年该刊物发表了一篇题为《铁幕背后》的文章,文中写道:

“He who has listened in on the interrogation of a Soviet prisoner of war knows that once the dam is broken, a flood of words begins as he tries to make clear what he experienced behind the mysterious iron curtain, which more than ever separates the world from the Soviet unx.”

”他从被审讯的苏联战俘口中知道,一旦大坝被打破大量宣传将涌入,他试图弄明白神秘的铁幕背后有什么,了解比以往任何时候都与世界隔离的苏联。”



It is easy to see the parallels between Stalin’s explanation for the geopolitical tensions underlying the Cold War and Edward Said’s postcolonial theory. From a Marxist perspective, one of Said’s shortcomings was a reductionism in understanding empire to cultural supremacy, one of the reasons he unfortunately conflated Marxism with Orientalism as well. When it came to the Cold War, Said also demonstrated a lack of understanding of internationalism. He wrote:

斯大林对冷战背后地缘政治紧张局势的解释,与爱德华·赛义德的后殖民理论很容易找到相似之处。从马克.思主义的角度看,赛义德的缺点之一是对帝国至文化至上的理解存在还原论,这也是他不幸地将马克思.主义与东方主义混为一谈的原因之一。说到冷战,赛义德也表现出对国际主义的理解不足。他写道:

“By the time of the Bandung Conference in 1955, the entire Orient had gained its independence from the Western empires and gained a new configuration of imperial powers, the United States and the Soviet unx. Unable to recognize “its” Orient in the new Third World, Orientalism now faced a challenging and politically armed Orient.”

到1955年万隆会议召开时,整个东方已经从西方帝国中获得了独立,并构建了一种新的帝国权力结构,即美国和苏联。东方主义无法在新第三世界中认识到它的“东方”,面临着一个具有挑战性和用政治武装起来的东方。

Yet who foremost ‘armed’ the movements of national liberation? The USSR, including support for the Palestinians during most of its history. Nevertheless, Stalin’s descxtion of the West’s prerogative for post-war hegemony based on the belief in its primacy has many overlaps with the idea that the Occident exercised patronizing dominance over the East. Today, even though the Berlin Wall has long since fallen and Eastern Europe is under free enterprise, the political establishment in the West is still clinging to this attitude and misunderstanding of Moscow to fulfill its need for an permanent global nemesis with a desire to eventually colonize Russia with foreign capital as it did under Boris Yeltsin.

然而,谁首先“武装”了民族解放运动?苏联,包括在其大部分历史上对巴勒斯坦人的支持。尽管如此,斯大林对战后西方霸权特权的描述也基于对其首要地位的却行,与西方对东方行使居高人下的统治观点有许多重叠之处。今天尽管柏林墙早已倒塌,东欧处于自由企业制度之下,但西方政治建制派仍坚持这种态度并继续曲解莫斯科,以满足希望其永久解体并继续利用叶利钦式政客殖民俄罗斯的需要。

Russia has historically possessed a unique and ambivalent identity located between the East and West, having been invaded by both European and Asian empires in previous centuries. Said included Russia in Orientalism in his analysis of European countries and their attitude toward the East, but did not note that Russia is in many respects the Orient within the Occident, as more than 75% of its territory as the largest nation in the world is actually located in Asia while three quarters of its population live on the European side. Russia may be partly European, but it is certainly not Western. Then again, Europe is not a continent unto itself but geographically connected to Asia with the arbitrary division between them based on cultural differences, not landmass, where Russia is an intermediate. Expansionism under Peter the Great may have brought Western European ‘cultural values’ and modernization to Russia, but the majority of its territory itself remains in Asia.

历史上,俄罗斯一直处于东西方之间,有着独特而矛盾的身份认同。在过去几个世纪里,它曾遭到欧洲和亚洲帝国的入侵。在他对东方主义的分析中俄罗斯包含其中,,但没有注意到俄罗斯在许多方面含有西方色彩。作为世界上最大的国家,其75%领土位于亚洲,而四分之三的人口居住在欧洲。俄罗斯可能部分是欧洲国家,但肯定不是西方国家。此外,欧洲本身并不是一个大陆,在地理上与亚洲相连。它们之间的划分基于文化差异,而不是俄罗斯身处的中间地带。彼得大帝统治下的扩张主义可能给俄罗斯带来了西欧的“文化价值观”和现代化,但俄罗斯的大部分领土仍在亚洲。

Even after the presumed end of the Cold War, Russia has been excluded from the European unx and instead joined the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), while developing strong ties with China. As recentlydisclosed documents from the National Security Archive prove, NATO has broken its promise to Mikhail Gorbachev during the George H.W. Bush administration that it not expand eastward following Germany’s enrollment. It has since added 13 countries since 1999, 10 of which were former Warsaw Pact states. Russia’s alliance with China has been solidified precisely because it is still not treated in the same regard as other European nations even after the adoption of a private sector economy. In order to justify its continued armament and avoid obsolescence, NATO has manufactured an adversarial relationship with Moscow.

即使在冷战结束后,俄罗斯仍被排除在欧盟之外,转而加入了上海合作组织同时与中国发展牢固关系。正如美国国家安全档案馆最近披露文件所证明的那样,北约违背了在老布什政府时期对米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫(的承诺,即在德国加入北约后北约不会向东扩张。自1999年以来,北约又增加了13个国家,其中10个是前华沙条约组织成员国。俄罗斯与中国的同盟关系之所以得到巩固,正是因为即使在采用私营部门经济之后,俄罗斯仍没有得到与其他欧洲国家同样的对待。为了为其武力扩张辩护并避免荒废军事,北约与莫斯科建立了敌对关系。



Make no mistake — underneath the West’s Russophobia lies Sinophobia and as Washington’s real geopolitical challenger, China will in due course emerge as the preferred bogeyman. The bipartisan hawkishness has created an environment where rapprochement and diplomacy of any kind is seen as weakness and even a sign of treason, making the prospect of peace seemingly impossible. As China continues to grow, it will find itself more squarely in the crosshairs of imperialism, regardless of whether Trump’s strategy to renew relations with Moscow against Beijing is successful. Until then cooler heads at the highest levels of government must prevail as they thankfully did at the height of the first Cold War for the sake of peace between Russia, the U.S. and the entire world.

没错——在西方对俄罗斯的恐惧背后隐藏着对中国的恐惧。作为华盛顿真正的地缘政治挑战者,中国将在适当的时候成为首选的被妖魔化对象。两党之间的强硬态度创造了一种环境,在这种环境下任何形式的和解和外交都被视为软弱,甚至是叛国的迹象。使得和平的前景似乎不可能实现。随着中国的不断发展,它将发现自己将更直接成为帝国主义的攻击目标,不管特朗普恢复与莫斯科关系的策略是否成功。在此之前,为了俄罗斯、美国和整个世界的和平,抱有冷静头脑的政府最高层必须占据主导,就像他们在第一次冷战高潮时所做的那样。